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Sections One & Two Reprinted; Section III Here First Published 


Der grattsame tschechische Massenmord auf der neuen Elbebriicke in Aussig* 

Nach einer zeitgenSssiscfaen Zelchnunf 

On July 31, 1945, Czechs shot down Sudeten Germans on 
the Elbe Bridge in Aussig (Usti). Drawing Deutscher Anzeiger, 
April 5, 1979 

S% &nbztm-(&mtmn Gfotgritg 

Sections One & Two Reprinted; Section III Here First Published 


Published by 


8207 Flower Ave. Takoma Park, Md. 20012 


© Copyright by Austin J. App, 1979 

Section I Reprinted from reason, Santa Barbara, California, 

February 1976, pp. 29-31 by permission; 

Section II Reprinted from Steppingstones, Silver Spring, 

Maryland, Spring, 1977; Summer, 1978, both by permission. 

Section III is here originally printed. 

Permission to reprint individual sections in serial form is 

granted if due credit is given. The right to translate and 

publish individual sections is also given. 

First printing, April, 1979. 2,500 copies 


8207 Flower Avenue 
Takoma Park, Maryland 20012 

Printed in U.S.A. 


Dr. App, born and raised in Wisconsin, holds an M.A. 
and a Ph.D. degree in English literature from the Catholic 
University of America, Washington, D.C., was instructor or 
professor of English at several colleges, including the Catholic 
University, the University of Scranton, LaSalle College. He 
has written hundreds of articles and reviews, and eight books, 
and has published many pamphlets. 

In 1939 he was awarded the University of Scranton 
Faculty Gold Medal as "outstanding educator of men." In 
1940-41 he was president of the Debating Association of 
Pennsylvania Colleges. In February, 1975, he was awarded 
the "European Freedom Prize" of DM 10,000 in Munich, 
Germany, by the Deutsche Volksunion and the Deutsche 
National Zeitung. 

For ten years he was chairman of the Pastorius Unit of 
the Steuben Society, Philadelphia; for six years National Pres- 
ident of the Federation of American Citizens of German 
Decent, of which he is still honorary president. For several 
years he was on the speaker's bureau of the John Birch Soci- 
ety. He is an honorary member of the German- American Na- 
tional Congress. For several years he was chairman of the 
Greater Philadelphia Captive Nations Committee. He con- 
siders the liberation of these nation, including the Soviet 
Zone of Germany, and the dissolution of the Soviet Russian 
colonialism the only hope for preventing World War III. 

In 1968, after twenty years, he retired from LaSalle 
College, Philadelphia, where he had been associate professor 
of English. Since then he has been speaking, writing, and pub- 
lishing. His last full-length book was Autobiography: German- 
American Voice for Truth and Justice (308 pages, 25 illustra- 
tions, index, $6.50). 




(from 1918 to 1938) 1 


to 1945) 17 





This booklet on the tragedy of the Sudeten Germans is a 
labor of love and a call for truth and justice. As a child I used 
to listen enthralled as my mother and father harmonized the 
Boehmerwald song: "Just a last time, O Lord, grant I may 
see again, My home and homeland in the Boehmerwald." At 
that time, before World War I, the Sudeten Germans of what 
in 1919 became Czechoslovakia were among the most blessed 
people in the world. Under the Hapsburgs nobody even 
dreamed of an Iron Curtain! 

Tragedy began when in 1919 the "Champions of Demo- 
cracy" tore the Sudeten Germans from Austria. Then, after 
another Allied crusade for "freedom," they became the vic- 
tims of the most brutal atrocity, when the Czech "Demo- 
crats" drove three million of them from their homelands and 
did 241,000 of them to death. Since then the Boehmerwald 
is cut off from the West like a concentration camp with 
barbed wire entaglements. 

The Sudeten Germans, one of the most Christian and 
most decent people of the world, had become the unluckiest. 
That is why I wrote this booklet, and hope you, who read it, 
will take its message to heart. The book just sort of grew, and 
if there are some overlappings I hope you will bear with 
them. It started when the magazine reason (Santa Barbara, 
California, 93101) invited me to write a scholarly article on 
"The Sudeten-German Tragedy." This was published in 
February, 1976 (pages 29-31). With permission of reason it 
is here Section I. The second section, entitled, "The Sudeten 
Germans from Munich to Potsdam" was first published in 
two parts in Steppingstones (Box 612, Silver Spring, Mary- 
land 20901. Part I, Spring, 1977; Part II, Summer, 1978). To 
both reason and Steppingstones I give thanks. 

The third section, "The Sudeten Germans from Potsdam 
to the Present," is here published for the first time. It more 
especially features the actual brutality of the expulsion and 
hopefully is not too schocking. 

In this connection an apology is due to that minority of 
Czechs who did not approve of or participate in the expul- 
sion atrocity the majority of seven million Czechs committed. 
Although Moscow and Tel Aviv and New York were the real 
instigators, the Czech people were the ones who visibly up- 

rooted and robbed the Sudeten Germans and murdered 
241,000 of them, and what women they did not rape they 
handed over to the Soviet soldiers to rape. In describing such 
a holocaust one cannot identify every guilty one by name 
and is forced to do so collectively as "Czechs." 

May the merciful God reward such of them who were 
not guilty — or who have since repented. And may these 
more and more give proof of their Christianity by speaking 
up for restitution to the Sudeten Germans of their homelands 
and their homes in freedom. When enough of them so speak 
up, whatever stigma now attaches to the Czechs will soon be 
erased and Central Europe will come to enjoy again the 
Christian amity that prevailed before Wilson and Roosevelt 
"made democracy work" there by betraying those Christian 
peoples to the atheistic bolsheviks. 

Above all may this booklet induce us Americans to raise 
our voices to demand truth and justice for the Sudeten peo- 
ple, the restitution to them of their homes and homelands in 
the Boehmerwald! 


Since 1938 politicians and journalists have equated a 
reference to the Munich Pact with shameful appeasement. On 
June 3, 1953, for example, President Eisenhower, referring to 
the debate about a Korean truce, said, "There's going to be 
no new Munich." The reference was to the Pact of Septem- 
ber 30, 1938. Freda Utley, author of the best book on the 
occupation of Germany, The High Cost of Vengeance, 
showed in Human Events both the origin and the abuse of 
the Munich Pact as a symbol of appeasement: 

Those who compare Panmunjon to Munich are also 
wrong. All that the much-abused Neville Chamberlain 
did was to agree to the self-determination of the people 
of the Sudetenland, which was a part of Czechoslovakia 
inhabited by Germans, which had formed part of the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire, and which would never have 
been awarded to the Czechs if Wilson's Fourteen Points 
had been adhered to. (June 24, 1953) 


The Sudetenland is a narrow, irregular strip of land, 
about 180 miles long contiguous to Germany, in what in 
1918 became the multinational state of Czechoslovakia. It 
comprised an area of a little less than 11,000 square miles, 
comparable in size to Belgium or to the state of Maryland. 
It had a German-speaking population of about 3 million, 
which compared to 3,123,883 (1945) for Norway, and 
2,980,000 (1947) for Eire. 

The Czechoslovakia of 1918 had an area of 87,299 
square miles and a population of 6,500,000 Czechs, 3,100,000 
Germans, 2,000,000 Slovaks, 700,000 Hungarians, and 
600,000 Ukrainians (Ruthenians). (See Encyclopedia Brit- 
tanica [Micropedia] , 1975 Vol. IX, pp. 642-43, for these 
figures.) Because in this artificial state carved out of the pre- 
1918 Austria-Hungary, the Czechs did not constitute a 
majority, the Czech leaders Benes and Masaryk had to assure 
Wilson and the other St. Germain peace dictators that the 
Czechs would federate the various nationalities on the 

Prague a hundred years ago: A Czech mob whips Ger* 
mans through the streets of the city, a violent expres- 
sion of trying to make it Czech. In 1848 Prague had 
66,000 Germans and only 33,000 Czechs. By 1880, the 
city had 126,000 Czechs and only 52,000 Germans. 
Then, in 1945, the last Germans there were murdered 
or driven out. The Czechs now obey the Soviets! (DNZ y 
November 24, 1978) 

model of Switzerland. 

The Sudeten-Germans were the second largest ethnic 
group, skilled in the arts and sciences, and living in an area 
contiguous to Germany and Austria, with whom they re- 
quested unification in line with the principle of self-determi- 
nation. At the peace conference the Czech delegation mini- 
mized the German population by a million and represented 
them as immigrants and colonists. They succeeded in getting 
the peace conference to substitute for Wilson's self-determi- 
nation the old principle of historic boundaries. According to 
Radomir Luza: 

The Committee on Czechoslovak Questions at the 
peace conference stated in 1919: "Bohemia forms a 
natural region, clearly defined by its fringe of moun- 
tains. The mere fact that a German population has 
established itself in the outlying districts at a relatively 
recent date did not appear to the committee a suffi- 
cient reason for depriving Bohemia of its natural fron- 
tiers." (The Transfer of the Sudeten Germans [New 
York: New York University Press, 1964] , p.2) 

The Sudeten-German tragedy began here — and on the 
basis of a long discredited principle and a falsification of 
history. If the principle of historic frontiers were applied, no 
territory could have been taken from Germany either in 1918 
or in 1945, nor indeed from Austria-Hungary. If the principle 
of "natural frontiers," were applied, Austria and Germany 
could have claimed the Sudeten mountain range as their 
natural frontier as validly as Bohemia could claim it. 


The fateful falsification of history consists of the 
assertion that the Sudeten-Germans established themselves 
in Bohemia and Moravia "at a relatively recent date." This 
perverts history. Virtually before the dawn of history the 
Czechoslovak area was inhabited by Illyrians, then certainly 
by Celts. These were absorbed by Germanic tribes which 
around 500 B.C. overran central Europe. Dr. Kurt F. Rein- 
hardt affirms: 

As early as in Caesar's time the Germanic tribes had 
advanced far into central and southern Germany. Ger- 
manic settlements had been established on both banks 
of the Rhine, in Bohemia, and along the Danube.... 


(Germany 2000 Years [Milwaukee: Bruce, 1950], p.6) 
As against this, the Slav immigration from the East into 
what in 1918 became Czechoslovak territory, wrote Drs. 
Josef Starkbaum and Emanuel Reichenberger, "could at the 
earliest have begun at the end of the 6th century to the 9th 
at the latest." Almost certainly "the larger numbers of Slavs 
immigrated into Western Slovakia and the Sudeten area only 
in the 9th century" (Heimat der Sudeten-deutschen: Wider- 
legung der tschechischen Kolonissationstheorie [Vienna: 
Volkstum-Verlag, 1967], p. 26). But owing to continuing 
immigration and superior birthrate the original Germans were 
pushed into the Sudeten mountain range and by the 10th 
century "we already find Slav princes as rulers in the Sudeten 
territory" (Starkbaum and Reichenberger, p. 26). 

It conforms to historic precedent that native popula- 
tions, in the face of a numerous invader, retreat into the 
hills and there maintain their language and culture, never the 
other way around. The Celts in the British Isles maintained 
themselves in Scotland, Wales, and Cornwall; the Basques, the 
most ancient aboriginals in Europe, in the Iberian mountains; 
and similarly the original German inhabitants of Bohemia, in 
the Sudeten hills, from which in 1902 they got their present 
collective name. 


If the historic principle were to apply — that an area 
should be subject fo the nation that long controlled it — as 
against the principle of self-determination — that an area 
should be subject to the wish of the inhabitants long settled 
there — then Germany and Austria could claim all of Czecho- 
slovakia. As early as 791 Charlemagne incorporated Bohemia 
formally into the Holy Roman Empire of the German Na- 
tion. And until 1918 it was always under German or Austrian 
sovereignty, even when Czech princes ruled over Bohemia as a 
province, under the Empire. Czechs and Germans fought 
side by side against the Magyars at Lechfield in 955. In 1348 
King Charles IV (from German Luxemburg) established in 
Prague the first European university, Charles University, a 
cooperative enterprise of Germans and Czechs. 
It is true, according to Dr. Kurt Glaser, that: 
During the centuries which followed, the Czech rulers 
encouraged Germans to settle in Bohemia and Mora- 

via.... The influx of Germans reached its peak in the 
thirteenth century, when Czech nobles competed to 
obtain settlers to populate their domains. (Czecho- 
slovakia, A Critical Study. [Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton, 
1961], p. 8) 
In 1526, coincident with Archduke Ferdinand's initiating 
Hapsburg rule, a new and final wave of German settlers 
supplemented the original Sudeten Germans who had been 
there since before the Christian era. In 1627 Bohemia was 
formally declared a Hapsburg crownland. Thus, even if the 
German immigrants of 1526 had been the first Germans in 
Czechoslovakia it would be stretching truth and plausibility 
to call them, as did the peace conference at St. Germain, 
settlers of "a relatively recent date." Such reasoning would 
make all the Pilgrim Fathers settlers of a recent date — and 

Furthermore, historically, Bohemia and Moravia had 
been loosely under German rule since the time of Charle- 
magne in 791, and very formally under Austrian rule since 
1526, and even more definitely since 1627. Thus the Sudeten 
Germans had been generally subject to German sovereigns for 
a thousand years when in 1918 the peace dictators denied 
them self-determination. And they very literally had been 
subjects of Austria for 290 years, when on March 4, 1919, 
the Czechs shot to death 54 and wounded 107 Sudeten 
Germans who were demonstrating for self-determination. 
If any deserve to be charged with treason for disloyalty, 
the Czechs for revolting against Austria in 1918 would be 
more liable than the Sudeten Germans who remained loyal 
to Austria and refused to join the revolt! After the Czechs 
had proclaimed an independent Czechoslovakia on Octo- 
ber 18, 1918, the Sudeten German and Austrian deputies met 
in Vienna and resolved on allegiance to the Republic of 
Austria. When the official spokesman for the Sudeten Ger- 
mans (Social Democrat Josef Seliger) was sent to Prague to 
present this wish of the Sudeten Germans, he was told, "We 
do not negotiate with rebels." And Prague proceeded to a 
military occupation of the Sudeten territory. The peaceful 
Sudeten demonstration against this caused the "massacre." 
The Neue Zuericher Zeitung, on March 7, 1919, commented: 
...the acts of Czech brutality against the German Bohe- 
mian demonstrators. ..who had assembled. ..for entirely 
peaceful demonstrations for self -de termination.... has 


eradicated any possibility of understanding.... the Czech 
government is wrong if it thinks it can break the resis- 
tance of three and one-half million German Bohemians 
with terrorist methods. (Glaser, pp. 23-24n.) 


From 1627 to 1848, Czechs and Germans in Bohemia 
and Moravia managed with little ethnic friction, both under 
German and Austrian rule. The revolutions in 1848 were less 
a struggle for ethnic or national independence than for more 
personal freedom, both among Czechs and Sudeten Germans. 
And again from 1848 to 1914, Czechs and Sudeten Germans, 
in spite of some understandable ethnic frictions, managed 
rather amicably; each kept its language and customs and 
ethnic complexion. During several decades before World 
War I, a tendency towards national autonomy was increasing. 
But until Wilson sloganized self-determination in order to dis- 
affect the minorities of Austria-Hungary, even such Czech 
leaders as Benes and Masaryk inclined to support the cele- 
brated judgment of Frantisek Palacky, who during the 1848 
revolutions said of Austria-Hungary: "If if did not exist, we 
would have to invent it." In general, Czechs "sought the 
development of Czech culture and fuller self-government 
within the empire" (Glaser, p. 13). 

Even in World War I, almost to the very end, the various 
nationalities, including the Czechs, fought loyally under the 
Hapsburg banner, as they had for virtually 400 years. But not 
Benes and Masaryk. They had gone to Paris, London, and 
Washington and formed the Czecho-Slovak National Council 
which became the Czech government-in-exile. Even then 
they did not at first demand independent status for Czecho- 

Then, on January 10, 1917, the Allied governments, 
in the fourth point of a note to Washington, demanded as a 
condition of peace "the liberation of Italians, of Slavs, of 
Romanians and of Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination." 
Benes and Masaryk could interpret this as full Czech inde- 

Giving further impetus to such an interpretation was 
No. 10 in Wilson's famous Fourteen Points proclaimed on 
January 8, 1918: "The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose 
place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and 


assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of auton- 
omous development." Of course, Vienna was ready to grant 
the Czechs and all other minorities every opportunity for 
autonomous development. In the euphoria of approaching 
victory and under the poison of hate propaganda, however, 
"autonomy" was easily perverted into full Czech indepen- 
dence and a tragic breakup of the historic Dual Monarchy. 
Even so, however, if this and Wilson's other idealistic 
pronouncements had been honestly applied, the Sudeten 
Germans never could have been incorporated into the Czecho- 
slovakia of 1918, and the Munich Pact of 1938 would not 
have been needed. In his Four Principles Speech to Congress 
on February 11, 1918, Wilson declared "That peoples and 
provinces are not to be bartered about," and that "Every 
territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in 
the interest and for the benefit of the populations con- 
cerned." Obviously, if the territory of the Sudeten Germans 
had been settled in accordance with their wishes, it would in 
1918 have remained the part of Austria and Germany which 
in the Munich Pact it again became. 


On October 21, 1918, all the Austrian and Sudeten 
German deputies met in Vienna as a Provisional National 
Assembly, accepted Wilson's principle of self-determination, 
and claimed for the new German- Austrian state "the entire 
territory settled by German Austrians," including those in 
the German parts of Bohemia and Moravia. In reply, Czech 
military forces occupied these parts, and as we have seen, 
when the Sudeten Germans on March 4, 1919, demonstrated 
in protest, they were fired upon. It was precisely to avoid this 
and similar bloodshed that Austria refrained from dispatching 
its own forces and trusted the promises and sense of justice 
of the peacemakers. They, however, kept the Austrian 
delegation at the peace conference behind barbed wire, but 
kept their doors open to the Czech delegation. The latter, 
in the important Benes' Memoire III, "underestimated the 
number of Germans in Bohemia by one million and 'proved' 
the absence of contiguous German settlements by means of 
a falsified map" (Glaser, p. 24). 

The contradictions and falsifications with which the 
Czech spokesmen achieved the multinational state of Czecho- 


Slovakia is perfectly expressed by Professor A. C. Coolidge, 
chief of the field mission attached to the American delega- 
tion to the peace conference, in a memorandum of March 10, 

The clearest case of a contradiction between nationality 
rights and those of history and geography is that involv- 
ing the boundary desires of the Czechs, who — illogical- 
ly but humanly — base their claims to the two halves of 
their territory on opposite principles. In Bohemia, they 
demand their 'historic boundaries' without regard to the 
protests of the large number of Germans who do not 
wish to be taken over in this way. In Slovakia, on the 
other hand, they insist on nationality rights and ignore 
the old and well marked "historical boundaries" of 
Hungary. (Quoted in Glaser, p. 22) 

To such Czech chauvinism, and to Allied forswearing 
of its pledges to the vanquished, did Czechoslovakia owe its 
creation, and some 3V2 million Sudeten Germans their loss of 
self-determination. Carl L. Becker comments: 

In arranging the boundaries of Czechoslovakia, the con- 
ference departed rather far from the principle of self- 
determination in order to gratify the patriotic sentiment 
of the Czechs, or to safeguard their military and eco- 
nomic interests. (History of Modern Europe [Morris- 
town, NJ: Silver Burdett Co., 1945] , p. 199) 
The conference included "within Czechoslovakia more than 
a million Magyars and Ruthenians" and "about 3,000,000 
Germans who might properly be united with either Germany 
or Austria" (War Department Education Manual, EM 206, 
1945, pp. 199-201). 

The tragedy of Versailles and St. Germain — and the 
logically ensuing World War II — was not due to the principle 
of self-determination, but to the dishonesty with which it 
was applied. The victors used it wherever they could thus 
slice some land or people from Germany and Austria, and 
ignored it or, as in the case of the Sudeten Germans, per- 
verted it whenever its application might have helped the van- 
quished and made the peace worthy of enduring. With this 
dishonest use of self-determination the victors broke up 
Austria-Hungary, which for over a hundred years had been a 
mainstay of order and relative peace in south-central Eu- 
rope. The tragedy and the blunder of this ruthless destruc- 
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Disarmament Agency, when in 1963 it wanted to justify its 
support of Soviet Russian colonialism. In "Controlling the 
Police in a Disarmed World," the agency declared: 

Whether we admit it to ourselves or not, we benefit 
enormously from the capability of the Soviet System to 
keep law and order over the 200 odd million people in 
the U.S.S.R. and the many additional millions in the 
satellite states. 

The breakup of the Russian Communist empire 
today would doubtless be conductive to freedom, but 
would be a good deal more catastrophic than was the 
breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire in 1918. 
(Quoted in Lev E. Dobriansky, The Vulnerable Rus- 
sians [New York: Pagent-Poseidon, 1967] , p. 252) 
Here, 45 years later, and after a frightful Second World 
War, one of the Big Four peace dictators of 1918 admits that 
the breakup of Austria-Hungary, which included the forcible 
subjection of over 3 million Sudeten Germans by the Czechs, 
was catastrophic! And it borders on sacrilege to compare the 
open-border, gentle Austria-Hungary to the barbed-wire 
enclosed, police-terror tyranny of Soviet Russia. It is this sort 
of perverted mentality and morality that produced the peace 
of 1918, a peace which was granted partial correction in the 
Munich Pact, and then climaxed in one of the worst mass 
atrocities in history, the total robbery, expulsion, and deci- 
mation of the Sudeten Germans. 


Benes and Masaryk had tricked the peace dictators into 
approving the multinational state of Czechoslovakia by assur- 
ing them that they would create a new Switzerland. In it the 
Czechs (in 1918) were the most numerous, the Sudeten Ger- 
mans were second, the Slovaks were third, and also included 
were Hungarians, Ruthenians, and Poles. Benes and Masaryk 
declared Czech the official language, reduced Slovak to a 
mere dialect of Czech, and promised that "German shall be 
the second native language." 

With so many rival nationalities, even if the Czechs had 
been wise and had honestly tried, as they announced they 
would, to "satisfy the wishes of the population in practice 
and daily use," a Swiss pattern would have been difficult. As 
Lord Runciman commented, it is a hard lot to be governed 























































































































































by an alien race as were the Sudeten Germans. But the 
Czechs were not wise; they kept harassing their Germans, 
infiltrated Czechs into administrative and managerial posts, 
and subtly and otherwise tried to de-Germanize them, mak- 
ing them justifiably feel like second-class Citizens. Even an 
apologist for the Czechs, Radomir Luza, adpiit^i that there 
was a "reduction in the number of German scnools" and 
"that German representation in public service ivas inade- 
quate." Some were "ousted, some retired, and thousands, 
unable to pass the Czech language tests made expressly too 
difficult for them, were dismissed. Their places were taken 
by Czechs who moved to the German areas." (Luz^t pp. 

But the crucial point remains, namely, th^ Sudeten Ger- 
mans wanted and had a clear right to be a part of Germany 
rather than Czechoslovakia. It was only natural, therefore, 
given those harassments in addition to the injustice, that the 
Sudeten Germans became more restive, and more and more 
insistent on autonomy. And as they saw that the Germans 
and Austrians under the leadership of Hitler corrected more 
and more of the injustices of Versailles and St. Germain, they 
hoped for the same for themselves. When their demands, 
after Austria had been allowed to join Germany in 1938, be- 
came critical, Britain sent Lord Runciman to Czechoslovakia 
in the summer of 1938, to mediate if possible, and to develop 
a practical policy. On September 16, 1938, he recommended 
to the British government what common sense, elementary 
justice, and the Wilsonian principle of self-determination 
ought to have done in 1918. He recommended that in areas 
where the Sudeten Germans were in a clear majority they 
should immediately be given their right of self-determination. 
(See Hermann Raschhofer, Die Sudeten Frage [Munich: 
Isar Verlag, 1953] , pp. 164-170, for a good report on Lord 
Runciman 's epochmaking analysis.) 


In the face of Hitler's evident determination to correct 
— by force if necessary — the wrong done to the Sudeten 
Germans in 1918, London and Paris informed Prague that 
they would not fight to help it retain the Sudeten areas in 
the event of German military action to free the Sudeten Ger- 
mans. Under the circumstances, the Czech government ac- 


quiesced. Accordingly, on September 29, and 30, 1938, 
Chamberlain, Daladier, Mussolini, and Hitler signed the 
epoch-making Munich Pact. It outlined the three stages in 
which the territory with predominantly German population 
should be evacuated by the Czechs and transferred to Ger- 
many. "On the basis of the Munich agreement the Reich 
occupied an area of 28,996 sq. km. containing 2,822,899 
Germans and 738,502 Czechs and Slovaks" (Luza, p. 158). 
Again the assertion that Czechoslovakia was not legally 
bound by the Munich protocol because it was not a signa- 
tory, Dr. Kurt Glaser explains: 

The Prague government did, however, agree specifically 
to the cession in notes to Great Britain and France on 
September 21 and again in notes to the British Septem- 
ber 25 and 26. Nor can it be pleaded that the cession 
was invalid because made under duress: if this were true, 
then the treaties of Versailles and St. Germain would 
both be invalid. (Glaser, p. 40n.) 
The most cursory knowledge of history indicates that most 
of the international treaties, especially those after wars, were 
made under duress. To claim that whatever duress there was 
invalidated the Munich Pact is a perversion of all historical 

Nor was the Munich Pact appeasement, in the logical 
meaning of the term, that is, a surrender of rights to another 
because of fear. The Munich Pact was not appeasement, but 
belated justice, to which every nation is bound, whether in 
the face of a weaker or a stronger opponent. The oft repeated 
cliche, "Not another Munich," especially when used in nego- 
tiations with communists, can well suggest to them a Western 
determination not to allow what, like the self-determination 
for the Sudeten Germans, is obviously right and just. Nor did 
the Munich Pact precipitate World War II. That was precipi- 
pitated because a similarly wise and just acquiesence was 
denied at Danzig. 

The most valid and important judgment of the Munich 
Pact was written by Professor A. J. P. Taylor, an anti-German 
British liberal with a respect for historical truth, however. He 
wrote that the Munich Pact: 

...was a triumph for all that was best and most enlight- 
ened in British life; a triumph for those who had preach- 
ed equal justice between peoples; a truimph for those 
who had courageously denounced the harshness and 


shortsightedness of Versailles. Brailsford, the leading 
Socialist authority on foreign affairs, wrote in 1920 of 
the peace settlement: "The worst offense was the sub- 
jection of over three million Germans to Czech rule." 
This was the offence redressed at Munich.... with skill and 
persistence, Chamberlain brought first the French, and 
then the Czechs, to follow the moral line. (The Origins 
of the Second World War [New York: Atheneum, 
19621, p. 213} 

One of the 15 million uprooted German expellees, 
desperately trying to reach the Austrian border for 
sanctuary. (Photo, DNZ, February 2, 1979) 




In the Munich Pact of September 29, 1938, the Czechs 
of Czechoslovakia granted self-determination to the solid 
Sudeten German areas which adjoined Germany and Austria 
and until 1919 had for seven hundred years been parts of 
Germany and Austria. Accordingly, 8,719 square miles with 
a population of 2,945,261 (We bster's Geographical Diction- 
ary, 1949) were after 30 years reunited to Germany. This 
belated triumph for self-determination had been facilitated 
by Hitler's assurance to England and France that once mat- 
ters were regulated with its other minorities, Slovak, Hun- 
garian, and Polish, the Reich would guarantee what remained 
of Czechoslovakia. 


But in constituting this state in 1919 the peace dictators 
of Versailles had patched together and made subject to the 
6.5 million Czechs, not only 3.3 million Germans, but also 
2.5 million Slovaks, 0.8 million Hungarians, 0.4 million 
Ruthenians, and 0.1 million Poles (Figures quoted from Kurt 
Glaser, p. 6). It would have been risky for Hitler uncon- 
ditionally to guarantee the post-Munich borders of Czecho- 

Poland, for example, immediately claimed the part of 
the Duchy of Teschen which in 1920 had been awarded to 
Czechoslovakia, 419 square miles with 241,698 inhabitants. 
On October 2, 1938, Poland annexed it. Apparently Hitler 
recognized this as in harmony with self-determination, and 
did not object. One may speculate, however, that he might 
expediently have held out for a quid pro quo on Danzig! 
Similarly the non-Czech inhabitants of Carpathian Ruthenia, 
4,871 square miles with a population in 1938 of 798,310, of 
whom a half million were Ukrainians, claimed autonomy. 
From the 10th century to 1919, Ruthenia had belonged to 
Hungary, when — without a plebiscite — the peace dicta- 
tors joined it to Czechoslovakia with a promise of autono- 

mous political status. But this was not "kept until 1938, 
when — as the result of the reorganization of Czecho-Slovakia 
after the Munich Pact — the province became autonomous" 
(Encyclopedia Columbia, 2nd edition, "Ruthenia"). Then, 
after Hitler declared Bohemia and Moravia a protectorate, 
Hungarian troops, on March 15, 1939, moved in and "an- 
nexed the region." In late 1944, Soviet Russians conquered 
it; and in 1945 post-war Czechoslovakia ceded it to Russia as 
part of the Ukraine. 


But what finally destroyed the insult to self-deter- 
mination which Masaryk and Benes had got the victors to 
inflict on the world in 1919 was Slovakia's demand for 
independence. Slovakia consisted of 18,921 square miles, 
and a population (in 1930) of 3,329,793, mostly Catholic. 
From 906 to 1920 it had been a part of Hungary, from 
which the peace dictators tore it and forced it without a 
plebiscite, along with a million Hungarians, under the multi- 
national Czechoslovakia. The Prague of Benes and Masaryk 
welched on giving the Slovaks the autonomy promised in 
1920, as they did on that promised the Sudeten Germans 
and the Ruthenians. To quote from the Columbia Encyclo- 
pedia on "Slovakia:" 

As a result of the Munich Pact of 1938, Slovakia became 
an autonomous state within reorganized Czecho-Slo- 
vakia, with Father Tiso as Slovak premier. 
At the same time large portions with predominant Hungarian 
inhabitants were ceded to Hungary. 

One is forced to conclude that up to this time the 
territorial settlements instigated or encouraged by Hitler 
have been what the settlements of Versailles were not — 
remarkably sensible in a complex area and fair. But the first 
seriously unwise and unjust action was about to happen. On 
March 6, 1938, Dr. Emil Hacha, president of rump Czecho- 
slovakia after Benes had resigned, let separatists movements 
in Slovakia and Ruthenia to cause him to force "the curtain 
up a little prematurely". William L. Shirer writes: 

On March 6, Dr. Hacha, the President of Czechoslova- 
kia, dismissed the autonomous Ruthenian government 
from office, and on the night of March 9-10 the autono- 


mous Slovakia government. The next day he ordered the 
arrest of Monsignor Tiso, the Slovak Premier, Dr. 
(Vojtech) Tuka and (Ferdinand) Durcansky and pro- 
claimed martial law in Slovakia. The one courageous 
move of this govenment.... quickly turned into a disaster 
which destroyed it. (William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall 
of The Third Reich, Simon and Schuster, 1960, p. 440) 
Shirer reports that Hitler was caught by surprise; and on 
March 11th, he decided to take Bohemia and Moravia by 
"ultimatum." On March 13th, Tiso, escaping from house 
arrest in a monastery, met Hitler in Berlin. Hitler referred to 
the danger to Slovakia from Hungary, and counselled inde- 
pendence to avoid it. Accordingly on March 14th. Tiso pro- 
claimed Slovakia's independence in Bratislava. Ruthenia 
quickly followed suit. Thus the artificial and enforced patch- 
work of nationalities called Czecho-Slovakia had dissolved. 
But President Hacha still hoped that the core of the old state, 
Bohemia and Moravia, could maintain its now homogeneous 
Czech independence. 


That it was not allowed to do so must be considered the 
first — and ultimately the fatal — mistake Hitler made, which 
six years later climaxed in the Sudeten German holocaust. 
Hitler massed troops on the Czech border, invited President 
Hacha with his daughter to Berlin, received both ceremonial- 
ly, even sent a box of chocolates to Miss Hacha as a personal 
gift from him. But when he met Hacha, as Dr. Charles C. 
Tansill puts it, he gave the Czechs "merely two alternatives. 
They could resist and suffer dreadful punishment, or they 
could submit gracefully and be given a measure of auton- 
omy" (Back Door to War, Henry Regnery, Chicago, 1952, 
p. 453). Not suprisingly, Dr. Hacha signed the Statute of the 
Protectorate. On March 15, 1939, to continue Tansill, "Hitler 
and his legions entered Prague in triumph." 

With this triumphal entry Hitler had crossed an ominous 
Rubicon. When he entered Vienna on March 14, 1938, he 
had reclaimed fellow Germans; when he demanded the 
Sudetenland, he gave self-determination to kinsmen and he 
assured the world it was to be his last territorial demand on 
Europe; but when he entered Prague he had reached out to 


non-Germans. Surely, even if extending the Protectorate had 
seemed necessary, it should have been done in the lowest key 
possible. This triumphal entry smacked of a tactless provo- 
cation of world opinion. 

His entry, however, was not met by the Czechs with any 
visible resentment. And in England — and the rest of the 
world — the negative reaction was a delayed one. The same 
day Chamberlain told the House of Commons that the inde- 
pendence declaration of Slovakia had so radically altered the 
situation that England no longer could be held to guarantee 
the frontiers of Czecho-Slovakia. But two weeks later, on 
March 31st, according to Wenzel Jaksch: 

Chamberlain accounced in the House of Commons an 
Anglo-French Guarantee to Poland, which was followed 
by a provisional Anglo-Polish defense agreement on 
April 6, and a formal alliance on August 24. (Wenzel 
Jaksch, Europe's Road to Potsdam, translated and 
edited by Kurt Glaser, Frederick A. Praeger, Publisher, 
New York, 1963, p. 332) 


Certainly, these Anglo-French guarantees to Poland, 
however unrealistic militarily, should have effectively warned 
Hitler that enforcing any further corrections of the Versailles 
Treaty, as in Danzig and the Corridor, no matter how justi- 
fied, would mean war. Hitler should also have been astute 
enough to interpret Roosevelt's seeming complacency toward 
the Munich Pact as a ruse to trap him into an aggressive 
action which would lead to war. He should of course also 
have recognized this as Stalin's strategy in the matter of the 
non-aggression pact. Roosevelt and Stalin both wanted the 
Third Reich to get forced into a world war. Hitler's mistake 
was that he thought he was too shrewed to be trapped. 
Nevertheless, though he was unwise to put Bohemia and 
Moravia under German protectorate, it is unjustifiable to 
interpret Hitler's doing so as a springboard for "conquering 
the world." 

Historically these provinces had for a thousand years, 
until the stupidity of the Versailles Treaty in 1919, been a 
part of the German empires, beginning with Charlemagne. 
Militarily, they did constitute a Slav dagger into the entrails 


of Germany and Austria. Strategically and politically these 
provinces were likely to become a springboard for Soviet 
Russia, so Hitler could validly reason. The fact is that when 
in 1948 Czechoslovakia, even in the face of U.S., British, and 
French gurgling about democracy, became a satellite of Red 
Russia, Hitler was posthumously proven right in his conten- 
tion that only the German Protectorate could prevent these 
westernmost Slav provinces from becoming Red puppets. 


When Roosevelt insultingly queried Hitler in a telegram 
on April 15, 1939, whether he would guarantee the security 
of some thirty-one nations, from Finland to Iran, Hitler 
pointedly replied: 

The present Greater German Reich contains no territory 
which was not from the earliest times a part of this 
Reich, bound up with it or subject to its sovereignty. 
Long before an American continent had been discovered 
— not to say settled — by white people, this Reich 
existed, not merely with its present boundaries, but 
with the addition of many regions and provinces which 
have since been lost. (Speech, German Reichstag, April 
28, 1939. See Exchange of Communications Between 
the President of the United States and the Chancellor of 
the German Reich, April, 1939, p. 7, Atlantis Archives, 
Union, New Jersey, 1972 reprint) 

Nevertheless, Hitler's placing Bohemia and Moravia 
under Reich Protectorate was a fatal mistake, a welcome pre- 
text for the victors of Versailles to induce their people to 
mobilize for war against the Third Reich. Hitler, however, did 
not annex the provinces; they retained their autonomy, their 
personnel was not removed from civil functions, and they 
were not drafted into German military service. This latter 
was in a world at war really an almost unique blessing the 
Czechs enjoyed from 1939 to 1945. 


As a matter of fact, the Czechs accepted and worked 
under the Protectorate until the very last month of the war 


with astonishing acquiescence. And they earned more, ate 
better, suffered less than any European country at war. 
Historian Erich Kem writes: 

...the Czechs proved themselves the most loyal collabor- 
ators of Hitler Germany... .Without exception they re- 
mained at their posts. The Germans did not even con- 
sider it necessary to undertake a sifting of Czech offi- 
cials. The whole Czech economy worked for the war 
without friction. (Verbrechen am deutschen Volk. 
Dokumente allierter Grausamkeiten 1939-1949. Verlag 
K. W. Schuetz, Goettingen, 1964, p. 245) 
Czech production was higher in 1945 than it had been in 
1939. Czech agriculture improved under the Protectorate to 
a point where no imports were needed at all. Erich Kem 

Its only difficulty was the astonishing flight from the 
land of the Czech farmworkers, who, without being 
urged or forced thereto, went in such droves to the Ger- 
man armament works in Germany and Austria so as 
at times to endanger the official planting and harvest- 
ing. (Op. cit, p. 245) 

Surprisingly there was virtually no resistance movement 
in the Protectorate. The one partisan action, which precisely 
because it was the only one got world-wide publicity, was the 
assassination on May 29, 1942, of Reinhard Heydrich, the 
Acting Protector of Bohemia and Moravia. But he was not 
ambushed by native Czech guerillas, but, as Shirer reports, 
"by two Czechs, Jan Kubis and Josef Gabeik, of the Czecho- 
slovak army in England, who had been parachuted from an 
R.A.F. plane" (Op. cit, p. 991). The Germans were legally 
justified in harsh measures of deterrence, including reprisals. 
When they found that the villagers of Lidice had hidden the 
assassins, they surrounded the village on June 9, 1942, segre- 
gated the women and children and transported them to 
safety, but shot all the males over sixteen years of age, 172 
of them. Then they leveled the village completely. 


Allied atrocity propagandists have represented this 
leveling of the village — done to deter a repetition of such 
assassinations — as a monstrous barbarism. However, the 


execution of civilians who during a war shelter non-uni- 
formed murderers is a terrible but legal practice of land war- 
fare. It was the British and Soviet Russians who violated 
international law when they instigated such partisan activity. 
They played up the razing of Lidici as barbarous Third Reich 
vandalism. But it can properly be assessed only if measured 
against the dismantling by the victors, and the area bombings, 
and the "death" of Sudeten German villages consequent 
upon the inhuman expulsions. So equated, Lidici is a very 
minor incident. The dismantlings, and the area bombings of 
the victors are well-known. But not the disappearance of 
hundreds of villages after the Czechs had robbed the inhabi- 
tants and the properties and driven the Sudeten Germans out. 
According to the best study of the Sudeten territories after 
the expulsion, "the official Czech register of names of villages 
reveals that nearly 500 villages no longer appear in the reg- 
ister because they have literally disappeared from the land- 
scape" (See "Introduction," Verfall und Zerstoerung der 
Sudetendeutschen, Heimatschaft, Sudeten Archive, Munich, 
1965). In short, where the Third Reich as a measure of 
deterrence against atrocities during a war, created one Lidici, 
the Czech expulsions, after a war, created 500. 


And if the reprisal shooting of 172 males over sixteen 
who had sheltered assassins is terrible, before it is denounced 
as a monster atrocity, it should be compared to place-related 
genocidic actions among the victors. The Soviet Russians in 
April, 1940, had in cold blood shot some 15,000 Polish 
officers, prisoners-of-war, at Katyn, near Smolensk. These 
were totally innocent victims of genocidic murder. In the 
Sudetenland, on July 31, 1945, after an explosion in a fac- 
tory near Aussig on the Elbe, an explosion of unknown 
origin, the Czech partisans fell upon the Sudeten inhabitants. 
F. A. Voigt, editor of the influential English monthly, 
Nineteenth Century, reports: 

Terrible excesses against the Germans began even before 
the explosion. A massacre followed. Women and chil- 
dren were thrown from the bridge into the river. Ger- 
mans were shot down in the streets. It is estimated that 
2,000 or 3,000 persons were killed. (Nemesis at Pots- 


dam, Alfred M. de Zayas, Routledge & Keegan, London, 
1977, p. 107) 

Perhaps the most pertinent comparison to Lidici is 
the Palestinian town of D'er Yasein. The Christian Century 
(December 6, 1950) wrote, "We knew D'er Yasein before 
the Jewish Stern Gang turned it into a slaughterhouse." In 
the night of June 9-10, 1948, 500 armed Israelis fell upon the 
peaceful, unprotected village, >A merika reports, 

...and with kicks and rifle butts drove men, women and 
children into the streets. Then they attacked them with 
gunfire and grenades. At least 250 persons were slaugh- 
tered. On April 12, Red Cross investigators found the 
bodies of at least 52 women, including some 25 preg- 
nant mothers, stowed away in a well. ("Good Friday: 
Lidici, Uplands, D'er Yasein" by Austin J. App, 
Amerika, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April 2, 1953) 
D'er Yasein constituted genocidic terror against totally 
innocent men, women and children, in comparison to which 
the German reprisals at Lidici were mild. 

Nevertheless, the Third Reich's severe measures at 
Lidici was counterproductive, given the viciousness and 
imbalance of Allied propaganda. The Third Reich at Lidici 
repeated the mistake the Kaiser's government made when on 
October 12, 1915, it executed Edith Cavell, the British 
Matron in the Red Cross Hospital at Brussels. From Novem- 
ber 14, 1914 to July, 1915, she had assisted about 200 
English, French and Belgian soldiers to escape to the Dutch 
border. When arrested she admitted her successful espionage 
efforts. The Germans had every right to execute her, cer- 
tainly as much as the U.S. had in executing Ethel Rosenberg. 
Yet Allied propaganda succeeded in picturing the Kaiser as 
the Beast of Berlin for having executed a woman, just as 
twenty years later it used Lidici to picture Hitler as the Ogre 
of the Bunker. 


But though the world press reacted with frenzy to the 
Lidici reprisal, the Czech people seem to have had enough 
sense to recognize that assassinations and harboring assassins 
during a war must be punished about as severely as the 
Germans did. Erich Kern reports: 


A Czech partisan took this and traded it in for liquor. 
It shows how German soldiers, after they surrendered 
and were defenceless, were brutally murdered. Thou- 
sands of German mothers lost their sons this way! 
(DNZ, February 2, 1979) 


The mass of Czechs did not even now react. Everything 
remained quiet in the whole of Czechoslovakia. Only 
after American and Soviet armed forces touched Czech 
earth and the war for Germany was hopelessly lost, 
did the Czechs rise up and attempted with the bad 
conscience of collaborationists in the most bestial 
manner to catch up by offering the resistance they had 
since 1939 failed to offer. {Op. cit, P. 248) 


Erich Kern correctly points out that the Czech govern- 
ment-in-exile — Eduard Benes, Jan Masaryk, Hubert Ripka — 
had for years plotted the robbery and expulsion of the 
Sudeten Germans from both Moravia and Bohemia, and the 
Sudetenland which in the Munich Pact had become inter- 
nationally recognized German territory. The very notion of 
expelling native populations in order to circumvent the 
principle of self-determination and to annex their territories 
is so brutal and barbarous that for hundreds of years no one 
in the Western world thought of it as an alternative no more 
than they did of cannibalistically eating the native popula- 
tions. In World War I territories like Alsace-Lorraine, the 
Sudetenland, South Tirol, Danzig and the Corridor were 
annexed by the victors in violation of self-determination, but 
none then went so far as to think of ratifying their claim by 
totally robbing and expelling the native populations. 

After the First World War there were a few cases of 
population transfers, but never robbery and expulsions, not 
to mention wholesale abuse and murder. In the most publi- 
cized and extensive of such transfers, the Turco-Greek 
exchange of populations only a million people were trans- 
ferred — and this was done over a period of six years (See 
de Zayas,op. cit. p. 12). Hitler, too, on October 6, 1939, 
announced "agreements under which ethnic Germans were 
resettled from the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, and 
Estonia), from eastern Poland, and from parts of Rumania 
(Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Dobrudja)" (Shirer, op. cit, 
p. 333). 

Hitler, according to Shirer, defended this policy of 
resettlement as "farsighted ordering of European life.... 
resettlements so as to remove in this way at least part of the 


fuel of European conflicts." The resettlements and transfers 
were intended to remove to Germany alien islands of Ger- 
mans. Of those transferred, for example, the Baltic Germans, 
"were permitted to take their household goods, the tools of 
their trades, plus a limited part fo their jewelry or cash 
assets" (Shirer, op. cit. 9 p. 333). In West Prussia and other 
Eastern German-Polish areas, the transfer of thousands 
(not millions) of Germans from Poland and Poles from the 
German areas occurred. For such transfers of thousands, in 
the wording of the Nuremberg Trials, the Germans who 
ordered this were to be hanged. 


To equate this sort of transfer or resettlement with the 
total robbery, violent expulsion (not to mention the putting 
to death of 20%) of 3,500,000 Germans out of the Sudeten- 
land — and another 9,000,000 out of the solidly and ancient 
German Oder-Neisse territories — is obviously an outrageous 
distortion of history. Yet it is true that Hitler's orderly and 
humane transfers — not expulsions — which in retrospect was 
the most fortunate imaginable policy for the Baltic and other 
Germans so transferred out of the barbarism of Soviet Russia, 
and out of the islands of Germans in the Balkans, did suggest 
the transfer (expulsion) of the populations to the minds of 
those who wanted to annex territory in violation of the 
principle of self-determination. 

Yet at the Nuremberg Trials the victors treated even 
Hitler's limited and orderly transfers of thousands, not mil- 
lions, a war crime punishable by death. In Count 3, Section J, 
the prosecutors decreed war criminality for Germans as 

In certain occupied territories, purportedly annexed to 
Germany, the defendants methodically and pursuant to 
plan, endeavored to assimilate these territories, politic- 
ally, culturally, socially, and economically, into the Ger- 
man Reich, and the defendants endeavored to obliter- 
ate the former national character of these territories. In 
pursuance of these plans and endeavors, the defen- 
dants forcibly deported inhabitants who were predom- 
inate non-German and introduced thousands of Ger- 
man colonists. 


Here though the victors present their accusation in the most 
offensive way, they nevertheless had to limit the "resettle- 
ments" undertaken by the Third Reich to thousands, not 
millions. Consequently if such German resettlements of 
thousands was a major war crime, then what was done to 
the three plus million Sudeten Germans, as homogeneous a 
people as the Irish of Eire, was tenfold as monstrous a war 


Ironically, during the very month when the Nuremberg 
trialists were fulminating against the Germans for transferring 
thousands of people, their chiefs of state, dictating the Pots- 
dam peace, H. S. Truman, C. R. Attlee, and J. V. Stalin, on 
August 2, 1945, promulgated the worst and most massive 
expulsion atrocity in human history. The three dictators, 
hypocritically draped in the mantle of the Atlantic Charter, 

....that the transfer to Germany of German populations 
or elements thereof, remaining in Poland, Czechoslova- 
kia, and Hungary, will have to be undertaken 

In a further point the peace dictators made clear that by 
transfer they meant expulsions. Because the "wild" expul- 
sions that had started before Potsdam proved burdensome for 
the occupation zones into which they were driven, Truman, 
Attlee, and Stalin urged the Czech, Polish, and Hungarian 
governments to "suspend further expulsions pending the 
examination... of the time and rate at which further transfers 
could be carried out." Here, cutting through their hypocrisy, 
was their use of the right word, expulsions. 

The expulsion of millions of Sudeten Germans — equal 
in number to the whole population of Ireland, and twice that 
of Israel — was a monstrosity which had been cynically 
plotted and for years advanced methodically by Eduard 
Benes, Jan Masaryk, and Hubert Ripka, all Freemasons and 
self-acclaimed "humanists." According to Elisabeth Wiske- 
mann (Germany's Eastern Boundaries, London, 1956, p. 62) 
Benes and Ripka as early as December 1938 discussed the 
unspeakable crime of expelling the Sudeten Germans after a 
war they expected. Be it noted that they plotted such a 
genocidic crime before Hitler had put Bohemia and Moravia 


under a Portectorate, before he had liberated Danzig, before 
he had taken the harsh measures at Lidici. 


It was also before Hitler had made his first agreement on 
October 10, 1939, for resettling the Baltic Germans in the 
Reich. By September, 1941, Benes in exile in London wrote 
in an article, "New Order in Europe" (Nineteenth Century 
and After, London, September, 1941) brazenly called for the 
expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. According to the Zeitta- 
fel und Bibliographie (published by the Ministry of Expellees, 
Bonn, 1959) the Yiddish Scientific Institute in New York on 
June 1, 1942, published "Transfers of Populations as a Means 
of Solving the Problems of Minorities" by Mark Vishnick. 
Vishnick cautions against indiscriminate expulsions on the 
basis of linguistic or ethnic standards. This incidentally indi- 
cates that, despite the Jewish propaganda that the Third 
Reich was exterminating all Jews, the Yiddish Scientific 
Institute expected sizable numbers of Jews to survive the 
Third Reich in Czechoslovakia and said pointedly that it did 
not want Benes-Masaryk-Ripka to expel them as being 

Jan Masaryk, then the Foreign Minister in exile of the 
Czechs, confirmed in a letter to Max Weinrich, of the Insti- 
tute, that Sudeten Germans were indeed decreed to be ex- 
pelled (Zeittafel, July, 1942, p. 12). Presumably Masaryk 
explained that Jews were not to be considered either Ger- 
mans or aliens, but this point needs checking. After Masaryk 
had confirmed the policy of expulsion, Wenzel Jaksch, a 
Sudeten German Social Democrat, an inexorable foe of Hit- 
ler, like Benes and Masaryk in exile in London, wrote to 
Benes that: 

...the transfer of populations would be an indiscriminate 
punishment (Vergeltung), and signifies... the destruction 
of every basis of democratic cooperation for genera- 
tions. (Quoted from Zeittafel, July 1942, p. 12, which 
quotes it from W. Jaksch 's Benesch war gewarnt Munich, 
1949, p. 24). 

As the Allied propagandists more and more "advance to 
barbarism," as F. J. P. Veale aptly characterized the degener- 
ation, they began to speculate on a policy of mass expulsion 


which even in World War I was considered too monstrous 
even to think of. The stark truth is that in 1919 the victors 
had taken from Germany and Austria every square mile for 
which self-determination could offer a pretext, plus Tyrol, 
the Sudetenland, and Danzig and the Corridor, for which 
self-determination could not be used as a pretext. Conse- 
quently, if after World War III the victors wanted to honor 
their pledge in the Atlantic Charter of "no territorial changes 
that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the 
people concerned," they could not take another foot of Ger- 
man or Austrian territory. On the contrary, they would have 
to restore to the Third Reich precisely what started the war, 
Danzig and the Corridor. The Allies were therfore in the 
position of the cannibal ordered by the missionary to give up 
all but one of his wives if he wished to be baptized. When the 
missionary after some months returned, the cannibal pre- 
sented himself for baptism. Had he given up his wives? Yes. 
How had he disposed of them? Why, very simply, he had 
eaten up all of them but one. The Allies — the U.S., England, 
Soviet Russia — unable to pry anything loose from Germany 
by means of Wilson's self-determination, decided copiously 
to kill the German inhabitants, so that a plebiscite was 


Step by step the Big Three advanced upon the genocide. 
On August 15, 1942, the British Parliament annuled the Mu- 
nich Pact. In September, 1942, it informed the Czech Gov- 
ernmentrln-Exile that in principle it did not oppose the ex- 
pulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Thereby it in fact reduced 
the expulsion of the native population from a moral principle 
to a policy of expedience. On September 29, 1942, General 
de Gaulle, arrogating to himself the right to speak for the 
French Government-In-Exile, annulled the Munich Pact. 

On December 5, 1942, Benes, in a lecture in the Univer- 
sity of Manchester, England, had degenerated to the point of 
publicly demanding the "Expulsion of the Sudeten Ger- 
mans." From then on he prosecuted his genocidic plan openly 
but shrewdly. He gave Roosevelt to understand that the 
Soviet Russians had already approved the expulsion of the 
Sudeten Germans, and so tricked Roosevelt, who did not 


check the claim, to approve the policy. Having Roosevelt's 
approval, Benes got Dr. Hubert Ripka, Deputy Foreign 
Minister in London, on May 29, 1943, to ask Soviet Ambas- 
sador Bogomolow to approve the proposed expulsion. On 
June 6, 1943, Bogomolow gave it. Here, as in the whole sorry 
history of the expulsion, the Soviet Russians maneuvered so 
as to be able to put the initial or primary blame on Washing- 
ton or London. 

Whereas the Western democracies should have had a 
revulsion of moral horror at the very suggestion of the ex- 
pulsion of peoples in order to steal their lands, they equivo- 
cated and even anticipated the Red totalitarians in sanctioning 
what Bishop A.J. Muench of Fargo, North Dakota, called 
"The forced migration of millions of people....the greatest 
crime of this age" (Catholic Action News, November, 1946). 
Not only of this age, but of any age, for "There is nothing in 
all history to equal it." 


After Benes had collected Roosevelt's approval, the ad- 
vance to barbarism gathered momentum. On January 22, 
1944, Churchill informed Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, Polish Presi- 
dent-In-Exile, that the Conference of Teheran authorized the 
expulsion of seven million Germans living between the Polish 
boundary and the River Oder to be expelled into rump Ger- 
many. On February 2, he informed the British Parliament 
that Poland will be compensated for territory lost to Soviet 
Russia with territory from East Germany. In one stroke of 
rationalization he explained that the Atlantic Charter would 
have no application for the vanquished Germans (See Zeit- 
tafel, p. 15). Thus the Germans, if vanquished, were exposed 
to any injustice the victors wished to perpetrate: dismantling, 
dismemberment, robbery of territory, mass expulsion, mass 
exterminations, mass rape of German women, etc.; in short 
Churchill here blueprinted what Time Magazine called "his- 
tory's most terrifying peace" (October 15, 1945). Alfred M. 
de Zayas states that if the Churchill-Roosevelt Atlantic 
Charter "would not be applied to enemy countries.... it would 
be difficult to imagine to what other than enemy countries 
the pledge of no territorial aggrandizement was meant to 
apply" (Nemesis at Potsdam, p. 39). 



But now at least some impulses of humanity were stir- 
ring in Parliament. On February 2, 1944, several members in 
the House of Commons sharply objected to this calculated 
violation of the right of self-determination. On March 8, 
1944, strong objections to this policy were advanced in the 
House of Lords. On July 28, 1944, a governmental commit- 
tee for post-war planning declared that the freely expressed 
wish of the affected people should be given more weight than 
historical or strategic considerations in deciding territorial 
conflicts. (Zeittafel, p. 16; Postwar Foreign Policy Prepara- 
tions, State Department, Washington, D.C., 1949, pp. 592- 

As late as August 8, 1944, according to General W. 
Anders (An Army in Exile, London, 1949, pp. 210-211), 
Churchill cold-bloodedly explained that German casualties 
would be sufficient to afford space for the Germans to be 
expelled. But after the voters had rejected him, he belatedly, 
on August 16, 1945, characterized the expulsions as a "tra- 
gedy on a prodigious scale" and complained "of conditions 
under which the expulsion and exodus of Germans from new 
Poland have been carried out." He added: 

A similar condition may reproduce itself in modified 
form in numbers of expulsions of Sudetens and other 
Germans from Czechoslovakia." (Brooklyn Tablet, Au- 
gust 25, 1945) 
While Churchill was Prime Minister and had the power to 
resist the barbarity of the expulsions he kept urging Parlia- 
ment to approve them; when he no longer had any power, 
then he began to condemn "the tragedy on a prodigious 
scale" his earlier policy had caused. That generally describes 
the expedient hypocrisy of all the Western statemen. Roose- 
velt, for example, emphatically endorsed Morgenthau's plan 
for pasturalizing and starving Germany; when he could no 
longer reverse it, he expressed dismay at having signed it. 
Churchill did likewise. It is no exaggeration to observe that 
the "noble" statemen of the West first made sure the geno- 
cidic peace was authorized — and Soviet Russia was empow- 
ered to prosecute it — and then also make sure to provide for 
themselves an escape hatch for evading responsibility for the 



On March 17, 1946, Benes in Moscow proclaimed 
Czechoslovakia as a nationality state without rights for any 
minorities. On April 5, after Benes and his ministers had 
established temporary headquarters at Kosice in eastern 
Slovakia, they adopted the notorious Kosice Program. Kurt 
Glaser (Czechoslovakia, p. 92) calls it "a detailed blueprint 
for the Sovietization of Czecho-Slovakia," such as "a new 
democratic anti-fascist Czecho-Slovak Army patterned after 
the Red Army;" "Alliance with the Victorious Slavic great 
power in the East;" and "National Committees" instead of 
traditional district and local committees. 

This Kosice Program specifically blueprinted the Sudeten 
holocaust. It ordered the expulsion of the Sudeten — and 
Carpatho-Germans and the Magyars. It cancelled the citizen- 
ship of "Czechoslovak Germans and Hungarians," and thus 
deprived them of their legal rights, subjecting them to expul- 
sions, to prosecution as war criminals, and as traitors. With 
the Munich Pact the 3.5 million Sudeten Germans had by 
international law become German citizens, subject to military 
service. For this the Kosice Program declared them traitors. It 
also ordered the confiscation of the industrial and agricul- 
tural property of those who had accepted German nationality 
or obeyed German or Hungarian rule. This in effect not only 
totally robbed and proletarianized the Sudeten Germans, but 
proletarianized the new Czechoslovakia for the Bolshevik 
takeover in 1948. (For a good summary of the Kosice Pro- 
gram see Kurt Glaser's Czechoslovakia, pp. 92-95) 


It only needed Hitler's death on April 30, 1945 (first 
public announcement of Hitler's death was on May 2nd), 
and the certainty of Germany's defeat to unleash Red-inspired 
terror against the Germans. The Czechs, who throughout the 
war had collaborated with the Axis, now made up for lost 
time by indulging in a furious savagery against the Sudeten 
Germans. This orgy of hatred and genocide did not just hap- 
pen; it had been methodically whipped up by the masonic, 
pro-communistic Czech leaders-in-exile. On October 27, 1943, 


Benes said in a radio speech: 

In our country the end of this war will be written in 
blood. The Germans will be given back mercilessly and 
manifold everything they have committed in our lands 
since 1938.. ..there will be no Czecho-Slovak who does 
not take part in this task and there will be no patriot 
who does not take just retribution for the suffering the 
nation has experience, (see Glaser, op. cit, p. 109) 
But as we have shown, of all the nations of Europe involved 
in the war, the Czechs under the Reich Protectorate had suf- 
fered the least. They had instead made good money in arma- 
ment factories. 


When Benes returned from Moscow in February, 1944, 
he declared to the Council of State in exile: "The Revolution 
must be violent. It must be a violent people's reckoning with 
the Germans and the fascist thugs, a bloody, merciless strug- 
gle." General Sergej Ingr, commander of the Czecho-Slovak 
forces abroad, urged his compatriots to the following 
bloody genocide: 

When our day comes the whole nation will apply the 
old Hussite battle cry: 'Beat them, kill them, leave none 
alive.' Every one should look around now for appropri- 
ate weapons to harm the Germans most. If there is no 
firearm at hand, any other kind of weapon that cuts^or^ 
stabs or hits should be prepared and hidden. (See Gla- 
ser, op. cifc, p. 110) 
On February 25, 1945, the Czech National Front, a union of 
all government parties, formed to eliminate all opposition 
parties and dominated by the socialists and pro-communists 
in exile, proclaimed simultaneously on the Moscow and Lon- 
don radio: 

Attack the accursed Germans and kill the occupants! 
Punish the traitors, and force cowards and saboteurs of 
the national struggle to be silent. (See Glaser, op. cit 9 
p. Ill) 

Thus were the Czechs, hitherto, one of the most civi- 
lized and decent people in Europe, inflamed to the most bru- 
tal savagery in European history. This is how it came about 
that within a year a quarter of a million Sudeten Germans, 


mostly women and children, had been starved, clubbed, shot 
to death. On May 5, 1945, the terror began. Over Radio Pra- 
gue, a propagandist of the Czech National Front, made him- 
self an echo of Ilya Ehrenburg, Stalin's Jewish minister of 
propaganda. His repeated call to violence was not so much 
against the retreating Wehrmacht but the defenceless Sudeten 
Germans, mostly women and children. He screamed: "Kill 
the Germans, wherever you find them! Every German is our 
mortal enemy. Have no mercy on women, children, or the 
aged! Kill every German — wipe them out!" (See Glaser, op. 
cit., p. Ill) 


When the victors flooded into Germany, they plowed 
through mountains of German documents, they examined 
them with microscopes, all in the frenzied hope of finding 
some Nazi order to kill Jews, to kill and torture the occupied 
population of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, or any 
of the other farflung territories occupied for years by the 
Germans. But not a single such order or command could be 
found. Verily, compared to the Czech orgy of abuse, rape, 
and murder against the Sudeten Germans, only and entirely 
because they were Germans, not Czechs, the policies of the 
Third Reich towards the vanquished and towards prisoners- 
of-war were models of adherence to international law. Even 
the Reich's treatment of Jews was not a fraction as vicious 
as the Czech treatment of the Sudeten Germans: no children 
were clubbed to death, no women were raped, no Jews were 
executed merely because they were Jews (See Dr. A. R. 
Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, Surrey, England, 
1975, e.g., p. 239). 

The frenzied propaganda of the victors to prosecute 
alleged German war criminals was reduced to inventing ex 
post facto laws and had their inspiration in the guilt complex 
provoked by their own frightful brutalities and expulsions 
which they inflicted on the vanquished Germans or allowed 
to be inflicted on them. 

And all the atrocities against the Germans had the offi- 
cial sanction of some or all Allied govenments. In the Pots- 
dam Pact the chiefs of the three superpowers even ordered 
the mass expulsions from Poland, Hungary, and Czecho- 


Slovakia. On May 19, 1945, Benes the self-appointed Presi- 
dent of the re-constituted Czechoslovakia, signed a decree for 
the confiscation of all German private property. This resulted 
in a theft of about 20 billions dollars, the largest single theft 
of private property in all of history, except for the still 
greater theft by the Poles of the property of the East Prus- 
sians, Pomeranians, and Silesians. 


In June 1945, the model democrats of the new Czecho- 
slovakia closed all the German schools. They included those 
in the Sudetenland which in the Munich Pact had by inter- 
national law become a part of Germany. On June 23, 1945, 
these Czech "democrats" ordered the division of the land 
owned by Sudeten Germans and evicted them from it. Mean- 
while, the U.S. government, instead of protesting these acts 
of suppression, robbery, violence, and of using its influence 
to prevent or minimize them, opted' for a strategy of cover- 
up. In June, 1945, Elmer Davis, Chief of War Information in 
Washington, ordered a blackout in America for the expul- 
sions; he had all reports of the deportations of Germans 
censored and "killed" (See Zeittafel, op. cifc, p. 22). With 
this blackout on the atrocities of the victors, the American 
media could be expected to give a maximum of coverage to 
real, or alleged, or invented German atrocities. 

On May 5, 1945, as the German Wehrmacht was evacua- 
ting Prague, Russian agents and paratroopers and radio broad- 
casts lashed the Czechs into a wild uprising against the Ger- 
mans, mostly the civilians. There the frightful holocaust 
against the Sudeten Germans began. From May to the Con- 
ference of the Big Three at Potsdam the expulsions are called 
"wild." It seems the Czech leaders, like Benes, Ripka, and 
Masaryk, wanted to get the three plus million Sudeten Ger- 
mans out of the country as quickly as possible, and con- 
sciously indulged in terror to this end. Even though Truman, 
Morgenthau, and Churchill could be depended on sanction- 
ing the expulsion, they seemed to fear that American and 
British public opinion, once informed, would hinder the 
expulsion with their protest. They also realized that some 
American and British army and occupation personnel resent- 
ed the barbarity. Robert D. Murphy, for example, political 
adviser to the military government, author of Diplomat 


Among Warriors (Garden City, 1964) on October 13, 1945, 
sent a memorandum to the Chairman of the Foreign Branch 
of the State Department and pictured the stark tragedy of 
the expulsions, which in the main affected not National 
Socialist party leaders — but women and children, the poor 
and the weak" (Washington Journal, November 1, 1968). 
Though Murphy was the only high Allied official who had 
the courage to protest the expulsion atrocity, the Poles, 
Czechs and Reds may well have suspected that he repre- 
sented the tip of an American popular iceberg revolted by 
the expulsions. 


But after the Potsdam Pact had committed American 
and Britain to the expulsions, the Czechs and Poles and Reds 
no longer terrorized wildly just to achieve a fait accompli of 
murdered or dispersed Germans. During these wild expulsions 
750,000 Sudetens were totally robbed, and driven out of 
their homes. These wild expulsions were brutal, only canni- 
balism could have made them more savage. It cannot be 
imagined that people as civilized as the Czechs could have 
been agitated to such inhumanity unless directed by some- 
one in order to create terror. 

Some of the tactics and methods during these expul- 
sions were: ordering whole villages on a notice of minutes to 
gather in a market place, be abused physically, driven on 
foot to the German border, or collected in camps — in all 51 
concentration camps; starved on 750 calories a day; at night 
women were put at the disposal of the Soviet Army for 
raping. Other specialities of abuse were kicking on the shins 
and in the genitals; clubbing over the head with iron bars, 
lead pipes; having the arrested face each other and forced to 
hit each other in the face — and all these abuses for no given 
reason except that the victims are Sudeten Germans. A 
favorite method of killing was throwing people into a lake or 
river, for example, tying a mother and child with ropes and 
so drowning them; throwing as many as forty children at a 
time in a lake or river and keeping them under water with 
poles until drowned. 

Two expecially horrid Jewish partisan specialties were: 
stripping men and sometimes women naked, hanging them 


upside down, pouring kerosine on them and burning them; 
and snatching a child from a mother, holding it by both little 
legs and ripping it apart and hurling one part at the mother, 
another at a tree. Some of these acts of sadism and terror 
were told to me by eyewitnesses in the summer of 1949, 
including this against a mother's child. Men, women, and 
children were required on virtually no food to trek on foot 
to the German or Austrian border; those who stumbled and 
could not get up anymore were shot dead. Sometimes when a 
woman fell exhausted, lit matches were put to her soles. The 
expellees were in any case allowed to take only few personal 
belongings and food. But even of this they were often plun- 
dered on the way. 


From the Potsdam Pact to the end a year or so later 
of the holocaust, the expulsions were a bit more regulated, 
and often by train, but in trains and cattle cars so crowded 
that many died then too. During the Potsdam authorized 
expulsions, some 1,183,000 were discharged into the U.S. 
Zone; some 750,000 into the Soviet Zone; some 400,000 
not accounted for; and 238,000 massacred or starved or 
clubbed to death (See Glaser, op. cit> p. 131-133). Vladimir 
Stedry, a Czech writer, in "Wave of Terror in Czechoslova- 
kia" (Sudeten Bulletin, June 1965), sums up the end result 
of the holocaust succinctly: 

In May 1945 there were 3,295,000 Sudeten Germans; 
afterwards some 3,054,000 were reported as survivors, 
thus we find that 241,000 Germans from Bohemia 
Moravia and Silesia lost their lives during the expulsions. 


section in 


In 1969, the Bonn government authorized the scholars 
of the Archives in Koblenz to compile a documentation of_ 
the expulsion crimes. When they had collected 40,000 indi- 
vidual documents (for East Germany and for the Sudeten- 
land), entitled Dokumentation der Vertreibungsverbrechen, 
the Bonn government, consistent with its nature of being a 
puppet of the occupation powers, ordered the Documenta- 
tion to be kept secret. Nevertheless some of its essential 
findings have become known. Professor Hellmut Diwald in 
his blockbusting Geschichte der Deutschen (Propylaen, 1978, 
764 pages, 837 illustrations, DM48) relates that the violence 
against the Germans included "killing, in various manners 
through shooting, hanging, clubbing to death, drowning, bru- 
tal and sadistic mistreatment, and the ravishing of women. 
These abuses were directed against the German populations 
as a whole." 

Deutsche Anzeiger, reviewing Professor Diewald's book 
(December 1, 1978) — freely translated from the German — 

"The orgies of murder in Bohemia and Moravia 
defy one's imagination. In Czechoslovakia Soviet troops 
raped in long lines German women and girls in accord 
with their lusts and Stalin's recommendations.... When 
the Czechs, who throughout the war had been very ob- 
sequious to the Germans, and with the brotherly help of 
the Soviets became master and mighty and could fear- 
lessly trample upon the fallen lion, the communistic 
revolutionaries, who called themselves partisans, orga- 
nized a reign of terror, robbery, and murder.. .and the 
Czech populace became a supporting mob." (DNZ, 
December 1, 1978, p. 5) 


As a consequence, the seven million Czechs, who had 
ranked among the most civilized peoples of the world, irra- 
tionalized by the agnostic power-politicians like Eduard Be- 

nes, Jan Masaryk, and Hubert Ripka, turned bestial by com- 
munist partisans and Jews, between German surrender on 
May 8, 1945, and Secretary of State James F. Byrnes' speech 
in Stuttgart, September 6, 1946, tortured, clubbed, shot, 
raped to death 241,000 Sudeten Germans, in one of the 
bloodiest, totally unprovoked, genocides in human history. 
If there were not available the most reliable and detailed 
eyewitness documentation of this tragedy of the Sudeten 
Germans, like that of the 40,000 documents in Koblenz 
Archives, which Bonn considers too damaging to the victors 
to dare to publish, a world which for decades had been indoc- 
trinated with the "Idealism" of the great Czech Democrats, 
Benes foremost, this genocide could not be believed. For ex- 
ample, the propaganda champions who keep foisting on 
the world the figure of six million massacred — gassed — 
Jews, can produce no documents, no precise names, dates 
and figures. Even when Henry A. Kissinger bemoans some ten 
relatives whom he calls casualties of Auschwitz, he never 
gives us their names and dates. But for the 241,000 murdered 
Sudeten Germans — not including thousands of German sol- 
diers, who surrendered and gave up their guns, and when as 
POW's were tortured to death — there are names and dates 
and figures. 


The best source and compilation is Dokumente zur 
Austreibung der Sudeten-deutschen (edited by Dr. Wilhelm 
Turnwald. 2nd edition, 1951, 590 pages). It is an invaluable 
source book recording the bestialities of the Czech expulsion 
of three and a half million Sudeten Germans. It also gives 
verbatim the principal government edicts and orders which 
authorized and directed this mass atrocity. A very good sum- 
mary of this documentation is in Erich Kern's Verbrechen 
am Deutschen Volk: Dokumente Allierter Grausamkeiten, 
1939-1949 (Verlag K.W. Schuetz, Goettingen, 1964, 332 
pages). In this section of the Sudeten German tragedy, I 
have drawn from Erich Kern's chapter "Das Inferno in der 
Tschechoslowakei" (pp. 245-272) more frequently than on 
the Dokumente, mostly because for present purposes Kern's 
chapter has enough and more evidence and cases than I have 
space for. 



Though once under way the expulsion of the Sudeten 
Germans looked like the spontaneous barbarism of the 
Christian Czech people, so vicious that only cannibalism was 
lacking to make it total savagery, yet decrees by Czech gov- 
ernmental leaders, supported by international expulsion 
orders of the Big Three, supplied the legal authorization for 
the riotous gangsterism, robbery, and bloodshed. The pivot 
about which the whole bloody barbarism rotated was Eduard 
Benes, who for decades had proclaimed himself the ideal 
humanitarian "Democrat." He also for all time evidenced 
what the Christian Church so often declares, that "humani- 
tarianism," devoid of God and of Christ the Saviour, will in a 
crisis lapse into barbarism. 

In April 1945 Eduard Benes, returning from exile, esta- 
blished in the wake of the Soviet Army, temporary head- 
quarters at Kosice, in the eastern part of Slovakia. There on 
April 5, he and his self-appointed ministers, characters like 
Zdenek Fierlinger, Klement Gottwald, Hubert Ripka, enun- 
ciated their "Program." This is a blueprint, in complicated, 
misleading language, for the total confiscation, the expulsion 
of the Sudeten Germans and the Hungarians, and the murder 
of thousands of them as traitors and collaborators. The Pro- 
gram bristles with the words, "traitors," "collaborators," 
and 'fascistic elements." All these were to be treated as 
war criminals, that is, were to be murdered. Only those Ger- 
mans who were in fact pro-Allied partisans, whom the Ger- 
mans could rightly have thought guilty of treason to the 
Reich, whose citizens they were after the Munich Pact, were 
to retain their new Czech citizenship — that means very few. 
All the others, if not held as war criminals, had their citizen- 
ship cancelled and would be expelled from Czechoslovakia" 
(See Dokumente zur Austreibung, 2nd edition, 1951, p. 527). 


A critical analysis of the Kosice Program in fact autho- 
rized the murder of almost any German any Czech wanted to 
murder, rob or expel. It did not even spare those Sudeten 
Social Democrats who had opposed Hitler and sat out the 


war in London (See Kurt Glaser, op. cit., p. 93). 

The Kosice Program a month before German surrender 
spelled out clearly enough for Moscow, London, and Wash- 
ington that the Benes Czechs were preparing a genocide for 
the three and a half million Sudeten Germans. If they had 
wanted to prevent the expulsions, they could easily have 
issued such an order and implemented it with some troops to 
monitor the treatment of the enemy civilians according to 
the standards that had been expected of the Germans and 
were generally practiced by them. If however, they were 
determined to permit the essential atrocity of the expulsions 
but wanted them, as they asserted in the Potsdam Pact, to be 
executed "in an orderly and humane manner," they had from 
April to May 8 to warn the monsters of the Kosice Program 
that sadism and savagery would not be tolerated, and that an 
internationally valid definition of treason and collaboration 
must be adopted. Benes and his gangsters should have been 
told that after the Munich Pact the Sudeten Germans were 
citizens of the German Reich, that they were legally bound 
to serve in the Reich armies, and the civilians were legally — 
and morally — bound to support the German war effort, just 
as German- Americans, for example, were bound to serve in 
the U.S. armed forces and to support the U.S. war effort. 
Had this common sense definition been applied to the 3V6 
million Sudeten Germans, the brutal, shameful holocaust of 
241,000 of them could not have happened. 

In the Potsdam Pact the Big Three liked to exonerate 
themselves by asserting that they were faced with a fait 
accompli and were too late to do anything but approve the 
expulsions and timidly urge them to be "orderly and hu- 
mane." When they talk that way, they lie. And their lie sug- 
gests that secretly they wanted as many Germans killed as 
was feasible and as they could get flunky nations to kill, but 
to leave open for themselves an alibi, should something mis- 
fire, should their people, Christian Americans and English- 
men, be shocked to the point of holy wrath! 


On May 19, 1945, Benes decreed that all the property 
of all unreliable persons shall be confiscated; "unreliable per- 
sons" were defined as those Germans and Magyars who "had 


served the war effort or fascist or Nazi purposes." Again, 
under a wrap of hypocrisy, in effect all Sudeten Germans 
were totally robbed of their belongings. Individual Czechs 
could easily interpret the decree as permission to burglarize 
the home of any German — and they did. Thus, in about a 
year, the Sudeten Germans were robbed of more private 
property than had ever before been robbed, with only one 
exception, namely, that which the Poles robbed when they 
expelled the East Germans from the Oder-Neisse territories. 
The carefully estimated value, at the exchange rates of two 
decades ago, on the day of German capitulation was $19.44 
billion dollars, not counting the mineral wealth in the ground. 
Of this so far not one cent has been repaid. (See Kirchliche 
Hilfstelle, Frankfurt, August 13, 1948). 

On June 19, 1945, President Benes published the "Ret- 
ribution Decree," which blueprinted and authorized the 
punishment, and execution, even on an ex post facto basis, 
of all crimes alleged to have been committed against Czecho- 
slovakia. This included twenty years prison, life imprison- 
ment, and even the death penalty for anybody who sup- 
ported the Slovak Republic, the Protectorate, or German 
rule in the Sudetenland. Furthermore in Part II, as Dr. Glaser 
explains (op. cit, p. 134), Soviet-type "special People's 
Courts" were established. These prohibited appeal, ordered 
the execution of the death penalty within two hours, and in 

This decree too could and did encourage partisans and 
mobs to execute whomever they wanted — without a real 
reference to guilt — and so contributed to the bloodbath 
that in a year murdered 241,000 people. 


Decree followed decree — and each inflicted another 
injustice on the Sudeten Germans. On June 21, 1945, Presi- 
dent Benes decreed the confiscation "immediately and with- 
out compensation, for the purpose of land reform," of all 
farm property belonging to "all persons of German and 
Magyar nationality, without regard to citizenship" and of 
course of all "traitors and enemies of the Republic." Let an 
American imagine if that were to happen to his farm! Then 
let him visualize the even more horrendous pain if that farm 


had been in his family's possession for five and sometimes 
ten or more generations. My grandfather had a farm near 
Plattling, Bavaria. My mother grew up on it. The farm is still 
in the family's hands. In 1960 I visited it with her. It was a 
joy to see her, then 78 years old, stroll proudly over the old 
acres she knew as a child. I reflected that if the farm had 
been located across the river, only some kilometers away, in 
the Sudetenland, her people would have been driven off, lost 
all their cattle and machinery, and furniture, and even now I 
could not revisit her old homestead with her. I said to myself, 
"I don't know that I could take it. I would feel like taking a 
gun and cleaning out all those who stole that farm. The pang 
of having one's old homestead robbed in this way is almost 
unbearable." A friend of mine, Dr. Herbert A. Stahl, senior 
physicist in optoelectronics (night vision), showed me what it 
cost him to be an ethnic German and have his estate on the 
left, the Slovakian bank of the Danube, rather than on the 
right, the Austrian. Senator Roman L. Hruska described the 
wrong to him in the Congressional Record (March 1, 1976, 
p. S-2536). Senator Hruska declared: 

"Dr. Stahl.. .had his sizable real estate holdings, in- 
cluding his home in Bratislava, with its multilingual 
library, confiscated by the authorities as German repara- 
tions. This happened despite the fact that neither he nor 
his forefathers had ever been citizens of Germany, but 
of the Danubian Monarchy..." 
I can only say I implore the wrath of Almighy God upon the 
barbarians, upon the gangsters who authorized and executed 
the wholesale theft of the Sudeten German property. 


On August 2, 1945, President Benes issued the Con- 
stitution Decree, which deprived all Germans and Magyars of 
Czechoslovakian citzenship. That means the Sudeten Ger- 
mans lost their rights and their protection, their freedom, 
their everything. Quite consequently, on September 19, 
1945, a decree was added "establishing compulsory labor for 
persons denied Czechoslovak citizenship by the decree of 
August" (Glaser, op. cit, p. 135). In effect that converted 
the Sudetenland into a huge Auschwitz, a vast labor camp, 
with this difference, Auschwitz was a work camp, a tempo- 


rary measure. What Czechoslovakia did was convert a whole 
nation, a people as numerous as the Irish, into a concentra- 
tion camp of labor slaves — from which only expulsion from 
their homelands freed them. 

A horrible finality to these genocidic decrees is the Law 
of May 8, 1946 — that is a year after German surrender, 
during which time the most of the 241,000 Sudeten Germans 
had been done to death. It decrees that any crimes com- 
mitted between September, 1938 and October 28, 1945, by 
Czechs and Slovaks against Sudetens and Magyars are not to 
be considered illegal even if otherwise they would be punish- 
able by law. Dr. Kurt Glaser {op. cit, p. 136) correctly states: 
"The law of May 8, 1946, representing the climax of 
totalitarian 'justice,' constituted carte blanche legal ap- 
proval of all murders, tortures, and other atrocities com- 
mitted against Germans and Magyars during the Benes- 
Gottwald 'national revolution."' 

This litany of genocidic governmental decrees, all ap- 
pealing to the greed, the vindictiveness, the chauvinism of the 
Czech people, makes it slightly more plausible that a once 
highly Christian people like the Czechs should in one year 
sink to the levels of terroristic, thieving, murderous gangsters, 
worse than anything recorded outside the pages of canniba- 
listic Africa. 




But the profoundest tragedy of all this is that the Roose- 
velt-Morgenthau government of these once idealistic United 
States, along with Churchill-Lindemann in Britain, presented 
the Communists and the Czechs and Poles and Balkan flunky 
countries with the authorization for the mass atrocity of the 
expulsions. They had suggested them in several speeches by 
such leaders as Churchill and Morgenthau, they had agreed to 
them in secret sections of the Yalta Pact, and finally, for all 
the world to see, they shamelessly, nakedly seemed to order 
the Poles, Czechs, and Hungarians to commit the greatest 
mass atrocity in history, the total robbery, partial murder, 
ruthless expulsion of the Order-Neisse, Sudeten and Balkan 

On August 2, 1945, Truman, C.R. Attlee of Britain and 


Stalin ordered in their Potsdam Agreement 

"'that the transfer to Germany of German populations 
or elements thereof, remaining in Poland, Czechoslo- 
vakia, and Hungary, will have to be undertaken." 
Hypocritically they added that the forcible expulsions should 
be accomplished in "an orderly and humane manner." But 
then they did not a thing to implement that exhortation. 
They did merely advise that "further expulsions" — the word 
they used — be suspended until the occupation zones could 
make room for them. 


Thus did the three "apostles of democracy," the un- 
disputed masters of the world, sanction the vastest mass 
atrocity in history — and also the most brutal and bloody 

When the Yalta-Potsdam order forced some fifteen mil- 
lion Order-Neisse and Sudeten Germans to leave their 
homes and goods behind and flee towards rump Ger- 
many, they found the roads cluttered with bodies of 
those that already had been done to death. (Photo from 
DNZ, February 2, 1979) 






ovskd Ostr 




Source for Bohemia - Moravia.- Czecho - Slovak 
election figures of J930,as charted by 
W. K. Turnwald in Renascence or Decline of 
Central Europe." Munich 1954. 


le map shows the dominant nationalities in the respective 
calittes. Actually, major areas and most cities have mixed 
filiations, so that it is impossible to draw clear ethnic 
>undary lines. 

J Slovak areas ceded 
yj to Poland in 1945 


ystticq. . f^ m 


Area seized by USSR 
with consent of Benes - 
in 1945 


■ in 



Large numbers of Slovaks 
live in south - eastern 

Mo ra vi a . 

Col. Jan Bukar 

Source for Slovakia and Ruthenia: Joseph Chmelar, 
Les Minorites Nationales en Europe Centrale." 
Vague, Orbis. 1937. 

one. Satanically shrewd enough to reckon with a possible 
backlash among their Christian people back home and in the 
pages of history, they spiked their edict with ambiguities 
which threw dust in people's eyes at the time and prepared 
for an alibi later on. First, the phrase, German populations 
"remaining" in the three countries named, in the first critical 
months after Unconditional Surrender suggested to the 
Christians of the world that only such Germans were affected 
who had followed into those countries in the wake of early 
German victories. Obviously to have them re-settled in Ger- 
many would seem harmless enough. Secondly, designating 
Poland and Czechoslovakia without any definition — at the 
very time when chauvinistic Poles and Czechs claimed whole 
provinces of Germany as Polish and Czech — could only 
have been intended to feed the chauvinism on the one hand, 
but to throw dust into the eyes of such Americans and 
Englishmen as still hoped for an Atlantic Charter peace — 
"no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely ex- 
pressed wishes of the people concerned." 

For example, when the peace dictators at Potsdam 
authorized the expulsion of Germans "remaining in Poland" 
and Czechoslovakia, did they mean the Poland of the Ver- 
sailles Treaty, of the Weimar era, or of the Poland including 
the German lands put under Polish administration, i.e., 
East Prussia, Pomerania, Silesia. Did Czechoslovakia mean the 
internationally fixed Czechoslovakia of the Munich Pact, in 
which the Sudetenland — an area about the size of Holland, 
or Belgium, is a part of the German Reich, not of Czechoslo- 
vakia? The people of the world on first reading the Potsdam 
decree were certainly justified in thinking so — and in that 
case, transferring what Germans had remained in Bohemia 
and Moravia, to the Reich would not have been altogether 
unreasonable. The Potsdam dictators evidently in satanic 
slyness worded their expulsion decree so that the Czechs 
could and did claim all the Sudetenland and expel 3 l A mil- 
lion Germans, but the Christians of the world were tricked 
into interpreting Czechoslovakia to what in fact it legally was 
after the Munich Pact. They also assumed that Poland in- 
cluded only what it was after the Versailles Treaty. One can 
say that for carrying ambiguity to the very acme of satanism 
nothing has ever surpassed the monsters who drafted the 
Yalta and Potsdam pacts. 


Under a cloak of ambiguity they authorized the expul- 
sion of some fifteen million German peoples, mostly from 
ancient German territory — and all within a year, and that 
the most choatic, most critical year in European history, 
1945-46. In authorizing this mass atrocity they also spot- 
lighted the gulf of decency between Hitler and them. The 
Kirchliche Hilfstelle (Frankfurt, August 13, 1948) reports 
that when it was suggested that, since the Czechs constituted 
a dagger at the heart of Germany, it might be wise to expel 
the seven million of them into Poland and Russia, Hitler re- 
jected that plan. He even prohibited any further discussion of 
it. He said "To expel the seven million Czechs would take a 
hundred years, that only assimilating and Germanizing them 
was feasible." 

In short, Hitler figured it to take eighty million Germans 
a hundred years to expel "in an orderly and humane way" 
seven million Czechs. But the "crusaders for democracy," 
and for "one world," and for the "elimination of National 
Socialism," they brazenly authorized seven million Czechs to 
expel 3 x /2 million Sudeten Germans all in one year and never 
blinked when 241,000 of them were bludgoned to death in 
the process. In all, the monsters of Potsdam managed to get 
not seven, but fifteen million East German, Sudeten, and Bal- 
kan Germans expelled in a year or two — without a flicker of 
hesitation, and let three million of them be done to death. 
These are the barbarians who at Nuremberg hanged the Ger- 
man leaders on ex post facto laws and for resettling mere 
"thousands" whereas they themselves ordered fifteen million 


On May 5, 1945, when German surrender seemed im- 
minent, the Czechs, presumably Partisans, dared to erect bar- 
ricades in Prague in several streets and sniped at German 
passerbys. Only after German surrender on May 8, after Field 
Marshall Ferdinand Schoerner surrendered unconditionally 
did Czech terror against both German POW's and civilians 


However, the terror cast its shadow before it as soon as 
the Red Army invaded territory inhabited by Germans. On 
December 22, 1944, the Tito government of Jugoslavia con- 
verted German private property into state property, and in 
December and January the Red Army rounded up and drag- 
ged Germans from Rumania. Hungary, and Jugoslavia into 
the Soviet Union for slave labor. Documents of the Expulsion 
(Vol. IV, pp 558-564) presents the eyewitness report of a 
Catholic Pastor Poess of the brutalities of the Soviet army 
and of the partisans. On September 21, 1944, Pastor Poess 
writes that the Partisans commanded by Russian officers 
rounded up all the men, made them surrender all radios, 
cameras, rifles, etc., and marched them to the forest, made 
them dig a ditch. Then "A Russian Commissar, dressed in 
leather from top to toe, gave the sign and the machineguns 
started their work. At the first, I let myself fall into the pit 
and was soon covered with dead and wounded." This Pastor 
Poess survived to be taken in a lorry to the old castle Slo- 
venska L'Upca, a school which partisans had converted into a 
concentration camp. Pastor Poess continues: 

"Here I had a special reception by the comman- 
dant of this concentration camp, the Jew Staudinger, 
and was taken to his private rooms. It was only due to 
the fact that Staudinger, at that moment, was called to 
lunch, that I escaped the terrible torture. As I learned 
later, many have been carried out of Staudinger's room 
without any sign of life." 
Until Staudinger after two weeks was called away, things 
were "very bad"; for food, "a thin saltwater soup and a slice 
of bread so thin you could see through;... I was fetched 
almost daily around 4P.M. to receive a beating.... Then Stau- 
dinger was called away and the camp was administered by 
regular Slovak gendarmes" (p. 563). 


This eyewitness account by a Catholic priest is impor- 
tant. It indicates that genocidic barbarism accompanied the 
Soviet Army from the beginning; secondly, that the Germans, 
during their occupation of much of Europe for nearly seven 
years, by no means executed all Jews, that some of them 
were very much around after German surrender, like Stau- 


dinger, and as partisans and otherwise were ringleaders in the 
genocide practiced against not only German POW's who had 
surrendered but against the totally defenceless and innocent 
Sudeten German populations. Because those who wrote the 
eyewitness accounts of the bestial expulsions realized that 
just to mention the word "Jew" exposed any German or 
Christian to brutality and often death, few have had the cour- 
age like Pastor Poess to do so. But the bestiality with which 


On March 26, 1949, Langer Banquet, Hotel Adelphia, 
Senator William Langer of North Dakota had his por- 
trait unveiled by Mr. Conrad Linke, prominent painter 
and Steubenite, and ethnically a Sudeten German. 
Senator Langer was honored as the most courageous and 
untiring spokesman for justice and charity for the 
Sudeten Germans. He was the author of the Langer 
Amendment which provided a Sudeten immigration 


the Sudeten Germans were expelled only finds its like in the 
Old Testament and in the annals of communism. The ring- 
leaders of the expulsion were partisans, and these were com- 
munists and very often Jews. 


Klement Gottwald, Communist and Deputy Premier of 
the National Front, on May 11, 1945, rescinded the citizen- 
ship of Germans and Hungarians and ordered National Com- 
mittees to punish and confiscate the property of "Germans, 
traitors, and collaborators." When two days later President 
Benes arrived in Prague "rows of Germans were set on fire as 
human torches in his honor" (See Glaser, op. cit., pp. 116-7). 
Instead of reproving the sadists, Benes, the Apostle of "De- 
mocracy," on May 16, declared: 

"Our slogan will be that we must purge our country of 
everything which is German — culturally, economically, 
and politically." 

That is what the monsters who dictated the peace mean 
by "equal rights for all citizens without distinction of race, 
nationality or religion" (Potsdam Pact, III, (IV), 7). 

Roosevelt's and Churchill's "Ideal Democrat," Benes, 
declared on the radio, "Take everything away from the Ger- 
mans except a handkerchief, into which they can cry." Let 
anyone imagine what the American and Israeli press would 
make of it if Hitler had said the like of the Jews, or of any 
of the other peoples his armies controlled for years! But, no, 
Hitler was too civilized to say such a thing; it took a leader 
of the "democratic Crusaders" to say it who arrogated unto 
themselves the right to hang Germans for allegedly making 
distinctions along "race, nationality or religion." 


In my first visit to Europe after the war, 1949, I met a 
German expellee in Wuerzburg, Dr. Jur. Bruno Stephen Stad- 
ler, who published a press review, Christlich Sociale UNION. 
From the nine-page mimeographed review of November 
1948, I gave some evidence of the "orderly and humane 
manner" in which those who hanged the Germans at Nurem- 
berg carried out the expulsions. After the Sudetens had been 


stripped of their citizenship, hordes of "carpetbaggers" 
streamed into Sudeten German territories. In every town 
they created a concentration camp. Clubbing and whipping 
Germans was officially introduced. An Old Testament and 
Communistic wave of hatred was spewed forth through the 
radio. One Professor Zclenk of the University of Prague de- 
livered twenty women to a Czech mob saying, "Here I 
bring the German sows." The mob beat them with laths and 
rubber hoses and screamed, "Kneel down, you German 
harlots" (the actual word was too ugly for me to use). They 
fell to their knees, and had their hair shorn off with bayonets. 
Some of the women, who had not done nor were accused of 
any wrong-doing, their crime was being German, were clubbed 
to death. One of the women, Helene Burger, a mother became 
unconscious when a kick broke two of her ribs. When she 
came to, her foot bled: someone had cut a four-centimeter 
piece of flesh from her calf! 

In Vienna, c. Summer, 1949: Dr. A. J. App, with 
Sudeten-German leaders, Msgr. E. J. Reichenberger, and 
Abg. a. D. Hans Wagner. 



If these Czechs had been cannibals and cut off the flesh 
to eat it, it would have been primitive but it would have 
made sense. But cutting a piece of calf off an innocent wo- 
man, just because she is a member of a different race, can 
only originate in a paranoic hatred adequately described only 
in the Old Testament. This sort of hatred characterized the 
Golgatha to which the Sudeten Germans were exposed. 

Of the twenty women Helen Burger was tortured with, 
two committed suicide, two went insane. She survived and 
was moved to Camp Habigot where in four barracks 1200 
women were imprisoned. Here the ultimate horror that shad- 
owed the expulsion is reported. A Czech Red Cross nurse 
sorted out the pretty and young women, to whom at night 
the Russian militia was admitted. Some were raped as often 
as forty-five times a night. Their cries of despair could be 
heard in the other barracks. In the morning these women lay 
about apathetic on the dirty floors "with bitten off noses, and 
scratched up faces." This is how the U.S. lend-lease pals 
carried on in their Roosevelt-inspired crusade of liberation! 


In the meanwhile in Prague, one Alfred Gebauer, for a 
time not yet recognized as a German, reported how women 
SS employees had their clothes torn off, and had to roll about 
in a pond, while those highly civilized Czechs kicked them 
and beat them with gun butts until they were unconscious. 
An engineer, Franz Rasch, ordered to the burial squad of 

"saw how thousands of German soldiers and civil- 
ians, men and women, including boys of ten, were mur- 
dered brutally. Most were first shot at. Then their beat- 
up bodies had salt rubbed into their wounds. Rings were 
torn from their fingers. Only then were they clubbed to 
Here again, one can understand a death sentence. After all 
the U.S. executed two Rosenbergs. But how can one explain 
in once civilized Czechs the sadistic hatred that would rub 
salt into the wounds of victims — innocent at that — before 


Sudeten German Expellee Rally, near Munich, August 
28, 1949. Bishop Dr. Johannes Remiger, former Aux- 
iliary Bishop of Prague and A.J. App. 


murdering them! 

In the penal camp Kladno engineer Franz Rasch saw 
how hot pitch was brushed on the bare backs of inmates, 
before they were beat up. Rasch himself, in the daily beat- 
ings, had his kidney smashed. In Iglau 1200 Germans com- 
mitted suicide; the rest, the old and the sick included, were 
whipped on to Tangen; 350 of them died on the way. Manu- 
facturer Krebs remained in Iglau. In the courtroom, on May 
26, he was bent over a chair and given fifty blows with a rub- 
ber hose. Then he had to undress, was ordered into the court- 
yard, where a dozen Czechs with hoses, clubs, cables, formed 
a gauntlet through which he had to run while they hit him on 
the stomach, and the genitals, till he collapsed. This is how 
the Czech proteges of Roosevelt and Churchill gave proof of 
their "democracy" and of their right to try Germans for war 


From June to August 16, 1945, Alfred Kritschker was 
in a camp in Maehrisch-Ostrau. It is important to stress that 
in all these cases the victims were guilty of nothing more than 
being ethnic Germans, and were the beneficiaries of what the 
monsters of the Potsdam Pact called "equal rights... without 
distinction of race, nationality or religion." There in this 
camp he received daily, as every other inmate, 120 blows. 
Before his eyes six inmates were clubbed to death. And all 
the inmates ran about totally naked because all the clothes 
had been taken from them upon admission. One of the in- 
mates, told his friend, Ernest Schorz, while tears rolled down 
his cheeks, how he had to watch while his eight-months preg : 
nant wife was abused. She had to stand naked against a wall, 
was beaten with clubs until the fetus was aborted, and she no 
longer breathed. Even then the sadists "tied his wife's hands 
and feet, pulled her up on the wall; then they cut off both 
her breasts." Not even the most shameless slanderers of the 
Third Reich have ever dared to suggest that any German SS 
or other soldier ever committed acts of bestiality so horrid. 
This sort of thing is the exclusive specialty of those who 
wanted to try Germans as war criminals! 



It must be emphasized that these are not isolated in- 
stances: these frightful sadisms are typical of the expulsion 
of the Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia and the prov- 
inces of the Sudetenland. Perhaps not so typical is the case of 
Resi Passl. She rode on a bicycle from Komotau toward Holtz- 
schitz, when a Czech policeman ordered her to stop and show 
papers. Declaring them imperfect he drove her before him on 
the path, when he suddenly punched her with his fist in her 
back. She buckled up to her knees and the Czech Champion 
of Rooseveltian Democracy fisticuffed her face, then threw 
her on the ground, bit her, and screamed as if insane, "You 
German beast," and raped her. Then he ordered her to get up 
and move on. He himself "liberated" the bicycle for himself. 
Let one just imagine what the media would have accom- 
plished with such an incident if a German SS had committed 
such a depravity. But SS men were too civilized to be such 
brutes: they did not commit rape. Those who accuse them 
are liars. 


One can comment, however, that while the Czechs had a 
special sadism for clubbing pregnant women, for crushing the 
genitals of prisoners, for beating victims to death, and espe- 
cially for hanging people upside down and throwing gasoline 
over them and burning them alive, they were not, as indi- 
cated above, degenerate enough to cannibalize their victims, 
and I am happy to report they did not themselves custo- 
marily rape their female victims. The various documents we 
have stress rather that Czechs delivered attractive girls and 
women to the Soviets Russian commissars and soldiers who 
raped them, often until they were dead. In that respect the 
Soviet Russians in the Sudetenland re-affirmed their reputa- 
tion of being the most bestial and most universal rapists in 
the history of European warfare. But the Czechs, sadistic 
though they were, seem not generally to have raped the 
victims themselves, but to have handed them over to the 
Soviet Russians to rape — and to gloat over the bestiality 
which their glorious Red "Liberators," inflicted on Sudeten 


German girls and women! 

The source for the cases above was Christlich Soziale 
Union, November, 1948, edited by Dr. Jur. Bruno Stephen 
Stadler, Wuerzburg. The source for the following is a copy of 
the two-page single space letter, dated January 1, 1948, by 
Karl Teuchner to a friend of his. He was from the same Ko- 
motau as the girl ravished by the Czech gendarme. On June 2, 
1945, he was arrested. He saw how six Germans whom he 
knew, and others, were tortured to death. His nephew, Ro- 
land, was clubbed to death before his eyes. On June 9 he 
himself was to be hanged at the Turnplatz. After he had been 
beaten up, so he could not stand properly, after his "testicles 
were swollen the size of a football," he was thrown in a truck 
and driven back to Komotau. On the truck Czechs pressed 
glowing cigarettes on his face and head. In Komotau he was 
for four hours stood up before Czechs in the marketplace, 
who spit on him and threw at him all manner of dirt. 


He was taken to the Hotel Weimar, and immediately un- 
clothed, his hands tied behind his back and pulled up by 
them so that only the point of his toes could touch the floor. 
They setup before him a picture of Hitler, before which every 
five minutes he was to say, "My Fuehrer, I love you!" After 
two hours he was untied, and thrown naked into a cellar 
among three naked women, whom he. knew and who were 
all unconscious. Shortly a man was also thrown in, one Mai 
Franzl. On the third day he and others were brought to the 
Glass Hut. That night, June 8, from three to four o'clock, 67 
men were shot, including the husband of "Frau Morthe along 
with their thirteen-year-old son." Teuchner escaped because 
he was believed dead. This is how the genocide of 241,000 
Sudeten Germans within a year was accomplished. Teuchner 

"Tortures, clubbing to death, burning alive were 
the order of the day. Daily men had to die....Mittelbach 
died without a cry. Dr. Schobert was clubbed to death 
before the eyes of his son. Dymastschek, Fotograf 
Schuster, the old shopkeeper Braun, 75, Prof. Kettner, 
83, the policemen Hillart, Weber, Phillip, D. Korner, 
head teacher Kuehn, etc. 386 men I saw die in the most 


horrible way." 
For a hundred corpses he himself had to dig the mass grave: 
"Prof. Groessk became insane from pain and was burned 
to death alive. Girschik, with only one leg, died before 
the open grave, totally naked riddled with machinegun 
It is with relief one reads, "After three months the Czech na- 
tional police arrived. Gradually the most gruesome of the 
tortures ended." 


Be it noted, people, innocent or otherwise, were not just 
executed, they were humiliated and tortured in displays of 
savage sadism, their faces were burned with cigarette butts, 
they were spit upon naked, they were flogged and clubbed, 
before they were finally killed. You will notice the sources 
for the Sudeten German tragedy name names and places and 
times. This is a crucial difference between the real holocaust 
against the Sudeten and East Germans and the phony one of 
the six million Jews allegedly killed. Regarding the latter, 
everything is generalities, every figure is in millions, no spe- 
cific names and dates. The one specific name is that of Anne 
Frank and she died a very natural and plausible death — no 
beatings, no mayhem, and above all no rape. Also Jews who 
proclaim themselves survivors of concentration camps always 
carry on as if they were "sole" survivors — and never explain 
just how they happened to survive what they call the "death 
camps." For example, how did Otto Frank and Simon Wie- 
senthal survive what they call "the death camp of Ausch- 
witz?" The reason is that the genocide against the Sudeten 
Germans provably took place, but the story of the six million 
Jews allegedly gassed is an invention, intended to distract 
from the horrible genocide the victors inflicted on the Ger- 
mans. 241,000 Sudeten Germans really were murdered, that 
is why the sources can be specific. No Jews were killed just 
for having been Jews, that is why the sources dealing with the 
Jews are wrapped in balloons of contradictory millions. 


Through Msgr. E. J. Reichenberger and Dr. A. J. App, 
the German Expellees dedicated a bust to Pope Pius 
XII, inscribed Pax Justitiae Opus. Document dated 
Christmas, 1951. 



The Czech expulsionists were not only sadistic in prac- 
tice, the Czech leadership was also petty and nasty, as well as 
criminal, in their rules and legalities. Let me cite the procla- 
mation of the Local National Committee for Prague XII. The 
source I have is a carbon copy, the only date on it is June 10, 
1945, and it is headed, "Translated by Sidney Hook." The 
citizens of Vinohrady are ordered henceforth, always to write 
"German" in lower case, "likewise the term 'Hungarian.'" 
Surely this is pitiful pettiness. Then the Sudeten Germans are 
all lumped together "under the category German, Hungarian, 
traitor or collaborator." They will wear on a white band a 
swastika with a registry number. Those so marked will receive 
normal ration cards. They may not use tramway cars, except 
to work and then in the trailer, and they may not use the 
seats. They may not use the sidewalk, only the roadway, nor 
may they "buy, subscribe to, or read daily or other news- 
papers." They may not be away from home after 8PM, must 
shop only between 11AM and 1PM, they may not use public 
gardens or parks, nor theaters, cinemas, lectures, etc., nor use 
laundries. Surely this reeks of pettiness and nastiness. 


But not all Germans, it seems, were marked with a swa- 
stika. Some had a "D" on their armband. Those so marked 
had to register immediately, and must submit a list of all 
their valuables, their savings books and deposits: "Any finan- 
cial transactions are forbidden and void; the Germans are not 
entitled to tobacco supplies, and they are not allowed to 
smoke in public or while working." This is how the great 
Czech democrats, the "humanitarian" favorites of Wilson 
and Roosevelt, applied the slogan of the victors, repeated ad 
nauseam, "without distinction of race, nationality, or reli- 

Because the Third Reich, while it was fighting against 
Unconditional Surrender and the rape of its women, and 
night bombing raids, required Jews to wear a yellow badge — 
to protect against sabotage and treason, Morgenthau planned 
to starve the German race to death. And Theodore Kaufman 


proposed sterilizing seventy million Germans out of exist- 
ence. The Morgenthauists in our government and army of 
occupation valiantly and heroically protected the Czech 
sadists — and never uttered an audible criticism of the bestial 
excesses committed in the name of the "American Crusade 
in Europe." 


Two instances of how the U.S. Occupation extended its 
umbrella of protection over Czech murderers of Sudeten Ger- 
mans. A Sudeten German woman saw how in Lobowitz on 
May 9, 1945, Antonin Homolka shot to death a German 
policeman who was unsuspectingly walking along. She saw 
how that same day Homolka with other Czechs plundered 
the treck of Silesian refugees, and abused and murdered some 
of those Sudetens who tried to help the refugees. That same 
day, May 9, 1945, so witnesses testified later in Stuttgart, as 
a Silesian mother was pushing her pram along, Homolka 
pulled her two-months baby out of the baby buggy, grabbed 
it by the feet, held its head between his knees, and pulled it 
down the middle in two pieces up to the neck. When the 
communists took over Czechoslovakia in 1948, Homolka fled 
to Germany. In Stuttgart by chance he was recognized by the 
mother, who induced a German policeman to arrest him. In 
anger Homolka said, "We as yet clubbed to death too few 
Germans. Even now we should kill all the Germans." 

And so what happened to Homolka who tore a German 
baby in half and threw one half at the mother, the other half 
at a tree? When the U.S. Army of Occupation heard of his 
arrest, they reminded the German police only Germans are 
war criminals and that Allies are not to be touched by the 
police, and liberated Homolka away to safety in a DP camp 
in Ulm (Der Socialdemokrat, London, December 31, 1949). 
Can one imagine what the Washington Post or the New York 
Post or the Anti-Defamation League would have accom- 
plished with this atrocity if a German SS had committed it? 
But of course no German SS, nor any other German soldier 
was guilty of such a degenerate atrocity. 

Homolka 's degeneracy and his protection by the Amer- 
ican Occupation Forces caused considerable bitterness in 
Germany. The case had just exploded when I visited Ulm and 
Stuttgart in 1949. A second case which cause much bitterness 


was that of Frantisek Kroupa. Erich Kern's describes it in his 
Verbrechen am Deutschen Volk (pp. 270-2). Kroupa got him- 
self made mayor of Joachimsthal. On June 4, 1945, he 
ordered everybody on pain of death to be at the city hall at 
4 o'clock. There two Germans had to put a rope around the 
neck of Max Steinfelsner, owner of a sawmill. The same day 
Kroupa ordered Otto Patek into the Camp Schlackenwerth. 
He and inmates already bloodied were locked in the dance 
hall, the inmates had to bare themselves to the hips, and then 
were clubbed with hoses, leather and steel whips until the 
flesh hung on their bodies and they fainted. This was done to 
them three times a day and three times a night. In other 
words, this again was pointless sadism, serving no purpose ex- 
cept torment and torture. 

But Frantisek Kroupa as "mayor" was a specialist in 
sadism. In the night of June 5-6, a dozen Czechs entered the 
dance hall, covered the windows with blankets, grabbed the 
watchmaker Mueller of Joachimsthal, 

"laid him on a bench and blanket, with knife cut off his 
ears, stabbed his eyes out of his socket, drilled a bayo- 
net into his throat, knocked out his teech, crossing his 
arms and legs over a bench, broke his bones. Because he 
still lived, they tied barbed wire twice around his throat, 
and dragged him around the hall until the corpse was 
only a mass of flesh." (Kern, op. cit, p. 271) 
That same night six other Germans were murdered, of whom 
three were German soldiers, that is, men who should have 
been protected by the Hague and Geneva rules for POW's. 
Just from witnessing this bestiality, three other inmates went 
insane. We read, 

"Upon orders of the Czech Commissar Kroupa, 
Wilhelm Kuen, proprietor of the Hotel Stadt Wien, had 
his head shattered, the head forester Kraus had his fin- 
ger nails pulled out with pliers, the harnessmaker Vier- 
tel was clubbed to death with a large hammer." (Kern, 
op. cit,p. 272) 
This monster in human form, who ordered these brutalities 
against really utterly innocent Sudeten Germans, one fine 
day, like Homolka, when the Reds took over Czechoslovakia, 
fled to West Germany, to the DP camp of Murnau. We read: 
"There some of his former victims recognized him. 
When the Sudeten Germans tried to proceed against him 
through the police and courts, the Americans rushed in 


and spirited this hangman out of the country. 


It may be that he was given security in New York. But 
at least I have not read that he was given a position with 
Radio Free Europe, or that he is engaged helping Simon Wie- 
senthal snoop around for alleged German 'war criminals.' But 
if I ever heard so I would not be surprised. He is just the 
type for this sort of thing. Clearly, short of cannibalism, 
Homolka and Kroupa typify about the very depth of degen- 
eracy and satanism. And the fact that the American occupa- 
tion authorities 'crusaded' right in to snatch these monsters 
away from the German police eloquently shows that what 
those who formulated Unconditional Surrender and the 
Nuremberg Trials and the Morgenthau Plan wanted was to 
get as many Germans starved, tortured, murdered as pos- 
sible. And they were ready to throw the whole power of 
America (the power that in one night in Dresden massacred 
more people than ever in the history of the world had been 
killed in so short a time) into the breach to protect any 
Czech or Pole or Russian or Jew who tortured and murdered 
any German man, woman, or child; and the more sadistically 
the better! 


So far we have given instances in which from a dozen to 
several hundred Sudeten Germans were tortured and mur- 
dered. But to add up to a total of 241,000 murdered, there 
had to be a reign of terror and in many places thousands 
must have been murdered. Those who throw the number of 
six million allegedly exterminated Jews around in the world 
never seem to come with specific instances and figures. If 
they would, they could quickly realized that six million mur- 
dered Jews, four million at Auschwitz alone, would have 
required an enormous number of executioners and left be- 
hind mountains of bodies and thousands of graves — or 
mountains of ashes. Because the murdered 241,000 Sudeten 
Germans are a reality, not a propaganda swindle like the six 
million figure, the deaths of thousands can be documented. 



One of the earliest and most gruesome of mass deaths 
occured in the so-called "Death March of Brunn (Brno)" 
starting May 30-31. Dr. Glaser (Czechoslovakia, pp. 117- 
120) presents a detailed eyewitness account by a Red Cross 
nurse. Brunn was not a city included in the Munich Pact, but 
the chief city of Moravia with a predominantly Czech popula- 
tion but also well over 25,000 Sudeten Germans. On May 30, 
1945, at 9:00 P.M. these were evicted from their dwellings, 
stripped of all their valuables, forced to stand outside all 
night, women and children included, and then ordered to 
march towards the Austrian border. Those who after ten 
miles were too tired to continue, "were assembled by female 
partisans, stripped naked...Their garments literally torn to 
tatters. Countless persons were beaten to death." 

The majority dragged themselves on to Pohrlitz, on the 
Austrian border "where, however, thousands died." The 
nurse relates: 

'"...a soldier was chasing a woman. He jumped over the 
exhausted woman on the ground and landed with both 
feet on the head of an eight-year-old girl, killing her im- 
When several mothers of babies built themselves a primitive 
stove on which to prepare some "half-rotten potatoes, tur- 
nips and dry bread," for the starving children, a gendarme 
came along and demolished "the stove with a kick." It is this 
sort of pointless and sadistic inhumanity that marks the ex- 
pulsion by the Czechs as a degenerate barbarism, the sort that 
the Wehrmacht never committed. The terror of terrors was 
the following: 

"Night after night all the women, including the sick and 
even the very old ones of 70 years of age or more, were 
raped. The partisans let the soldiers into the camp and 
the women were misused twice or more times each 
For those who were done to death, or who committed sui- 
cide, mass graves had to be established around Pohrlitz. Here 
4,000 murdered ethnic Germans found their final resting 
place. In nearby Nikolsburg another 400 were buried (See 
Kern, op. cit, p. 268). 


worked through and the results published in a special trea- 
tise. In this booklet, however, the most that is feasible is to 
supplement the instances already given by making a brief 
summary of the distinctive sadisms from the eyewitness 
reports of the chapter, "Das Inferno in der Tschechoslowa- 
kei" (pp. 245-273) of Erich Kem's Verbrechen am deutschen 
Volk: Eine Dokumentation allierter Grausamkeiten (Ver- 
lag K.W. Schuetz, Goettingen, 1964, 332 pages). When con- 
venient supplementary comments will be added. 


On May 9, 1945, Marianne Klaus, saw her busband 66, 
clubbed to death in the police station, mouth and nose 
bloody, hands swollen. She also saw two SS men whipped in 
the faces until they bled, kicked in the belly till bloody, and 
then dragged down the stairs. She saw an assistant stoned till 
she collapsed, and then hanged. She reports: "I saw an SS 
man hung with one foot on a lamp post, burning from the 
head up." This latter was a speciality of the Czech barbar- 

Alois Stengel reports how he and thirty other boys be- 
tween eleven and eighteen were sent to a camp in Olmutz, 
doing heavy unloading work at rail sidings, given only a small 
slice of bread, thin soup, and coffee, so that several boys 
died. Czech brutality was not satisfied with hard labor and 
starvation rations: the Czechs woke them up at four every 
morning, hauled these boys out of their barracks and gave 
them a heavy trouncing. Starvation diets and interrupting the 
nightly rest with a totally irrational whipping seems to have 
been standard treatment in the thousand Czech concentra- 
tion camps for Sudeten Germans. 


Martha Woelfel reports that her camp Klaidovka was full 
of lice and bedbugs, and diet consisted of only bread and 
water, so that a hundred children died of hunger, including 
her own child. When she had inquired about her child the 
guard hit her on the head so hard that she collapsed uncon- 
scious. Such sadism was non-existent in German concentra- 



Another place where several thousand were massacred 
in one day was at Aussig (Usti), which was a Sudeten German 
city in northern Bohemia of about 44,000 people. Near it, in 
Schoen-Priesen was a warehouse in which captured German 
arms and munitions were stored. On July 30, 1945, at about 
four in the afternoon, an explosion occurred. It was almost 
certainly set by partisans, who also circulated the rumor 
that the Sudeten Germans did it. As if by pre-arrangement, 
within half an hour the streets were full of partisan bands 
who mugged and knocked down any German on the street. 
As the German workers from the Firm of Schicht crossed the 
Elbe bridge at quitting time, they were surrounded on the 
bridge, mowed down with machine guns and were either shot 
or were drowned in the Elbe River. This included women and 
children. Some 1500 lost their lives in one afternoon. How 
infinitely more bloodthirsty the Czechs were than the Third 
Reich can be measured by the fact that in the much publi- 
cized Kristalnacht, triggered by the Jewish assassination of a 
German consul in Paris, in all of Germany, not nearly a hun- 
dred Jews lost their lives. Here on the Elbe Bridge, because of 
an explosion that took no lives, and which was quite cer- 
tainly not of Sudeten German origin, fifteen hundred were 
clubbed, shot, drowned to death in one afternoon. That 
rather accurately describes the barbarism of the Czechs as 
compared to the relative decency of the Germans of the 
Third Reich. 


What makes the Czech expulsion of its 3V2 million Sude- 
ten Germans a unique terror in European history up to that 
time is the degenerate sadism with which it was carried out. 
In the Dokumente Zur Vertreibung der Sudeten-Deutschen, 
590 pages of mostly eyewitness affidavits of the brutalities, 
the index lists two pages of references to hanging, three to 
burning alive, four to blinding, forty-two to murder, and 
forty-three to rape. For "clubbing to death" there are twenty- 
five pages of references, several of them with the addition of 
"ff," i.e., several following pages. 

The Dokumente Zur Vertreibung ideally should be 


tion camps! When Elfriede Hanke on June 2, 1945, was 
ordered into Camp Troppau, she was first beaten, then trot- 
tled, and threatened with a pistol. Denying truthfully that 
she had belonged to the Nazi Party, she was locked in prison 
where for three days she daily had her ears boxed, was 
kicked, and beaten with rubber hoses. On the 13th day, 
several Czechs entered her cell, pulled off her panties, and so 
clubbed her from the hips down that she was all swollen and 
sick for the next four months. 


Richard Knorre, in Prague on May 5, 1945, when the 
first persecutions began, saw how on the Wenzelplatz German 
soldiers, who really were POW's entitled to Hague and 
Geneva protection, were hung up by the feet to candelabra, 
had fire made under their head, so to burn to death under 
unspeakable pain. This method of murder was a speciality of 
the Czechs; it gives them an affinity with the devils in hell. 
Ehrenhart Adam, released in Stuttgart from an American 
prison camp, on June 12, 1945, was nevertheless re-arrested 
by the Czechs. *He saw how 200 members of the SS were 
brutally murdered by the civilian population. Czech women 
assaulted them with knives, daggers, clubs and gunbutts. 
Bodies that still showed life had gasoline poured on them and 
burned. The Germans, men, women, and children, had to run 
gauntlets of 500 yards between two rows of Czechs who beat 
them with sticks. The Czech police watched such sadism 

Heinz Girsig, for almost a year in Camp Jauernig, saw 
how two brothers Hauke, 16 and 18, were shot by camp 
commander Katiorek. On the day before one of the boys had 
a swastika cut into his buttocks. One Sebastian Herr was 
arrested in Prague in May, 1945. With other prisoners he had 
to dig up buried SS men, and to re-bury them in mass graves. 
He reports: 

"thereby I saw on the corpses, that their ears and noses 
had been cut off, their eyes drilled out, and their hands 
broiled. We were sixty men working and were during 
our work often terribly whipped, so that many fainted." 
(Kern, op. cit> p. 258) 

Frau Hildegard Hurtinger was on May 15 routed from 


her Prague dwelling, whipped and clubbed, robbed of every- 
thing but her stockings and the dress she wore. She was Im- 
prisoned in a camp where: 

"In the night the inmates were called into the court- 
yard, where each night ten men, women, and children 
were counted off and shot. This happened to two of my 
brothers.. ..Once I got nothing to eat for eight days. The 
children were handed their meals in a spitoon. Children 
who rejected this, were beat to death." (Kern, op. 
cit. p. 259) 
For forty years now Americans have been brainwashed to 
think that German concentration camps were the ultimate 
barbarity, and that the only people who ever really suffered 
in them were Jews. It is therefore a moral duty to remind the 
world that in no German concentration camp, not even in 
war time, were beatings, starvations, tortures committed for 
the mere satanic sadism of it as the Czechs committed against 
the Germans — just for being Germans — during the expul- 
sions of 1945-46. And that after the war was over! 
Frau Hildegard Hurtinger continues: 
"Pregnant women were dragged from their cells by 
armed Czechs, taken to the courtyard, undressed and 
whipped, and then pushed into toilets and belabored 
with clubs and fists until the fetus aborted. On most 
days some ten women were in this way done to death." 


Surely an ultimate of primitive sadism is the following: 
"Some days some six or eight of us women were taken 
to the St. Botthards Church. There we were forced to 
kiss the corpses which were already putrifying, pile 
them in a heap, and then lick up the blood from the 
floor of the church. A Czech mob watched us all the 
while and whipped us." 

Frau Hurtinger describes how men had the swastika 
burned into their hands. On May 20, 1945, when she and 
other women were taken to the Wenzelplatz to work, they 
saw with their own eyes "German boys and girls, and also 
German POW's, hung up by the feet to candelabra and trees, 
had petroleum poured on them, and set on fire" (Kern, op. 
cit, p. 259). 

Else Rotter describes how in Landeskron, June, 1945, 


fifty men were so hung up and burned alive, and a hundred 
older men were thrown into a pool, and "Hitler boys" 
were forced with poles to hold them under water until 
drowned. Ernst Schorz had to help bury those who died in 
Camp Palatzky. In three weeks it was about 200, "most of 
them were mutilated, arms and legs hacked off, including 
many corpses of women. His friend Krischke on his death 
bed told him how his wife in camp Hanke, eight months 
pregnant, was stood naked against a wall, and pommeled on 
the belly till she aborted the baby and died herself. He was 
also a witness how a pregnant woman had her hands and legs 
tied behind her back, pulled up straight on the wall, and then 
had both her breasts slashed off with a butcher knife" (Kern, 
op. cit, p. 265). 


This is how the Sudeten Germans were expelled from 
the lands they had settled and inhabited for hundreds of 
years, for longer than the Pilgrims are settled in New En- 
gland. Three and a half million were expelled between 
May 8, 1945 and September 6, 1946; 241,000 were done to 
death — in the most horrible and sadistic manner thinkable. 
The worst torture possibly was hanging them upside down 
and burning them alive. The 'holocaust' of six million Jews, 
which is being served up to Americans, even inflicted on our 
school children, is a fabrication, a shameful swindle to black- 
mail some $5,000 out of Germany for every alleged corpse. 
No witnesses, no proofs, no names can be given for the six 
million Jews allegedly gassed. But for the 241,000 Sudeten 
Germans, because their murder was reality, we have the wit- 
nesses and we have the names. We could go on giving cases 
like those above for hundreds of pages. But what I have given 
is more than enough. 


After the Big Three had at Potsdam on August 2, 1945, 
authorized the expulsions from Czechoslovakia, Poland, and 
Hungary, adding hypocritically that they are to be carried 
out "in an orderly and humane manner," the rights of peo- 
ples defeated in war had been "advanced" to a barbarism lit- 


erally worse than any in the so-called dark ages, expulsion be- 
came epidemic in all the Balkan and East European countries. 
It became the blood clot of Allied victory, incomparably 
more uncivilized than anything the Nazis had done! But be- 
cause their Allied Potsdam authorization assured the Czechs 
that the U.S. would not prevent the expulsion of the Sudeten 
Germans, their frenzy to create a fait accompli ebbed, and 
the wild, the most bloody sadism of it moderated into the 
somewhat more controlled total robbery and expulsion from 
their homes and lands, into bombed-out rump Germany and 
Austria. By 1947, the genocide of 241,000 Sudeten Germans 
had been accomplished and the surviving three million reset- 
tled somehow, even if only in barracks. 

The decline in brutality and murder resulted mainly in 
the increasing availability of rail transportation into Bavaria, 
Hessen, Wuettemberg-Baden. According to the Zeittafel (und 
Bibliographic zum Vertriebenenproblem, Band I, Goettingen, 
1949) in 1946 from January to April daily four trains each 
with 1,200 persons departed, then to the middle of July, six 
trains, and from then to the beginning of November four 
trains, and finally to the end of November, three trains daily. 
After a pause to February, 1947, the transports began again, 
three trains a day, until the fall of 1947. By then Operation 
Expulsion was a crime essentially accomplished, only the 
wrong and the robbery and the grief remain to this day. The 
propagandists of the lie of the 'holocaust' grandiosly project 
how Eichmann in the middle of a frightful war was sup- 
posed to have shipped four million Jews to Auschwitz to be 
'gassed' and cremated. The preposterous mendacity of this 
appears when one reflects for a moment on the logistics of 
such an operation. Even in peace time over only some hun- 
dred miles of rails and good roads it took the mighty vic- 
tors more than a year to transport three million Sudeten 


According to Die Sudetendeutsche Frage (Sudeten- 
deutscher Rat, Munich, n.d., p. 20) in 1973, 2,242,900 Su- 
deten Germans were living in West Germany and West Berlin; 
672,000 in the DDR and East Berlin; 120,000 in Austria; 
80,000 elsewhere in Europe; and 20,000 overseas. When I 


visited Central Europe for the first time after the war, in 
1949, Germany was an indescribable heap of rubble, but al- 
ready somehow the millions of expellees had found some 
shelter, if only in barracks and in former concentration 
camps. Incidentally, in whatever barracks they lived, they 
managed to get flowers to grow there, and to make the 
whole area look more like a summer resort than, let's say, a 
former concentration camp like Dachau. 


One has heard a lot about the German Economic Mir- 
acle since 1948 and the reconstruction of bombed-out Ger- 
many and all this is indeed almost "miraculous." But in 
reality even more so is how rump — and bombed-out Ger- 
many managed to integrate the three million Sudeten ex- 
pellees and the nine million Oder-Neisse and Balkan Volks- 
deutsche expellees. This is an indescribable tribute to the 
Christianity and charity and good will of the German people: 
first, those native to West Germany and Austria for sharing 
their meager food supplies and their still- more sparse rem- 
nants of bedrooms and bathrooms and kitchens, and, sec- 
ondly, to the totally robbed and depressed expellees for grate- 
fully accepting what little could be offered them. The won- 
der of it is that they did not become anarchists, and did not 
revolt, nor go berserk, but meekly accepted charity, accepted 
whatever work, mostly menial at first, could be given them, 
and patiently and meekly strove to become integrated into 
what was left of Germany. 


Those Sudeten who despite torture and beatings made 
it alive to Germany and Austria, to freedom and free enter- 
prise, were still better off than the one percent who remain 
alive in Czechoslovakia. For some reason, chance perhaps, or 
more probably because of their needed craftsmanship and 
skills, some did not experience the expulsion, only the loss 
of property and civil rights. The Social Democratic leaders, 
Wenzel Jaksch, Egan de Witte, Franz Katz, who has sat out 
the war in London, claimed in a Memorandum (July 10, 


1948) that "the fate of about 300,000 remaining Sudeten 
people is still in the balance." 

Reinhard Pozorny, leading contemporary Sudeten-Ger- 
man poet and journalist, in "Sudetendeutsches Schicksal der 
Gegenwart" (Deutsche Wochenzeitung, May 27, 1977) wrote 
that Prague in 1970 admitted to only 86,169 remaining Ger- 
mans. But experts hold that "the Germans still number more 
than 150,000." 

Certain it is that those remaining have been treated as 
slave-labor, have had none of the human rights President Car- 
ter keeps urging, and have tried to emigrate to Germany and 
Austria. In this desperate desire only a small percent suc- 
ceeded and only with the help of shameful slave-auction sub- 
sidies from West Germany. However, in the course of thirty 
years a slight improvement in their slave status has been 
occuring. In the Czech constitution of 1948, the Germans 
were referred to as the "prime (Ur Feinde) enemies of the 
Slavs and must remain without any civic rights." The con- 
stitution of 1960 does not refer to the "Germans" at all. But 
the nationalities law of October 28, 1968, so reports Reinhard 
Pozorny, does recognize the presence of the Germans. The 
very next year these founded what they proudly called the 
"German Kulturverband." This organization now has seventy 
branches and 10,000 members. In Prague a German Volks- 
zeitung reports on it. 


This pro-Czech, pro-Communist paper like the other 
Czech media in everyway de-Germanizes the country. It oblit- 
erates the old German names; for example, Eger, it calls 
Cheb. To personal names it adds Czech suffixes, for example, 
Frau Mueller becomes Millercwa. But, as Father E.J. Reichen- 
berger pointed out (Brooklyn Tablet, October 9, 1948) and 
Pozorny also confirms, "the Czechs in their advertising for 
the famous Spas they stole from the Sudetens, have to use 
the old German names, Karlsbad, Marienbad, Franzensbad," 
to lure the world's tourists. 

For decades now West Germany has negotiated with 
Prague to facilitate the release of the Sudetens remaining in 
Czechoslovakia — and at a high cost and with indifferent 
success. In 1969, reports Pozorny, a high of 15,602 were 


released to Germany, but in 1975, the number had shrunk to 
only 514. The truth is the Czechs even in 1948 began to 
recognize the enormous economic value the skillful Sudeten 
Germans were and have missed their skills. 


But the Czech expulsionists lost much more than crafts- 
men and artisans, and several industries, like the Gablonzer 
glassware, they also paved the road for their enslavement in 
1948 to Soviet Russian Bolshevism. By expelling the Sudeten 
Germans and murdering 241,000 of them, they lost their 
moral credibility, in fact became war criminals collectively. 
They could no longer plead human rights with the Soviets — 
nor anyone else! Secondly, they were quickly made to realize 
that if they had the "right" to expropriate homes, farms, 
cattle, everything from the Sudeten Germans, they simply 
"justified" the Soviets in expropriating their Czech private 
property. This the Soviets did in 1948. Too late many 
Czechs, like the monsters described above, Frantisek Kroupa 
and Antonin Homolka, also some decent ones, fled over the 
border to Germany. Had the three and a half million con- 
servative, anti-Communist Germans still lived on their farms, 
in their shops, and worked in the factories, no Bolshevik 
Party could have got enough votes to manipulate a Bolshevik 
takeover. The Nemesis of God's eternal but usually slow jus- 
tice struck the expulsionistic Czech barbarians mighty fast. 


Between 1948 and 1952 the new Red bosses condemned 
233 persons to death, did execute 178 of them, and penal- 
ized 147,770 persons for political offences. The ruling Com- 
munist Party prohibited 365 authors the right to write and 
publish. After 1948, 27.5 million books were burnt, and 1.5 
million informers for the state were let loose among the 
Czechs who had so "bravely" robbed and driven out three 
and a half million defenceless Germans and murdered 241,000 
of them (See West und Ost, February 11, 1977). Not even 
the worst liar among them has ever claimed that the Third 
Reich under the Protectorate burned so many books or 


silenced so many authors. Furthermore, 186,921 Czechs 
were held in forced labor camps; and 118,683 in military 
forced work camps. And all this in a state of only thirteen 
million. The number of persons who in prisons, or in trials, 
or during arrests lost their lives reached 15,726. That, of 
course, is still a long way from the 241,000 Sudeten Germans 
the Czechs murdered during the expulsion, but the number 
of victims is high enough to give guilt-ridden Czechs night- 


By the spring of 1968, the Czechs had become sick 
enough of the Moscovite exploitation that they agitated for 
more freedom, more of the self-determination the Sudeten 
Germans had demanded and got in the Munich Pact of 1938. 
But who were the expulsionist Czechs to dare to demand 
freedom and self-determination, for which ideals they ex- 
pelled and murdered the Sudetens! They could not. Moscow 
ordered the troops of its other captive nations, including 
those of the Poles and the Middle Germans to march in and 
teach the Czechs meekness and obedience. Again a wave of 
Czech refugees fled to Germany. 


By 1968, the several million of Sudetens who had in 
1945-6 reached West Germany and Austria were surprisingly 
prosperous and successful. Though they had brought nothing 
with them but their character, their skills, they proved a 
powerful injection for the German Economic Miracle. They 
created dozens of flourishing towns out of nothing, built in 
thirty yejars what most other cities had needed hundreds of 
years jbo do. Some new Sudeten "towns are Waldkreiburg, 
Trauiireut, Gerstsread, Neugablonz, Neutraubing, all in 
Bavaria — which accepted the sponsorship for the Sudetens 
— and Allendorf in Hessen, Espelkam in Schleswig. 

They in fact brought with them from the Sudetenland 
whole and thriving industries. Neugablonz, for example, be- 
came the home of the ancient and famous Sudeten-German 
glassware and ornaments, again exported to all parts of the 
world. The Sudeten Germans resettled in shrunken and 


bombed-out Germany are a unique example of how a whole 
people in midstream had to shift to new vocations, new pro- 
fessions, new ways of making a livelihood. Most who were 
white-collar professional people in the Sudetenland had to 
start as of the lowliest of blue-collar workers in rump Ger- 
many. But whatever they had to do, they did it well. And 
they prospered. 


The Sudeten Germans in West Germany soon became 
politically active and generated a certain clout. But in this 
they were helped, if not preceded, by loyal Sudeten German- 
Americans. Mr. Joseph Totzauer, a violinist and conductor 
(Ridgewood, New Jersey) who founded the "American Aid 
for Expellees from Czechoslovakia (Sudeten Wohlfahrt)", sent 
every congressman, senator, and the President a three-page 
memorandum dated August 20, 1945, including the sentence, 
"More than 1,000,000 Americans of Sudeten German origin 
are raising their voices in protest against the Potsdam 'Charter 
of Ruin'.. ..It is communistic, barbarous, treacherous and 
blood thirsty." In the face of the smear terrorism which in 
those days the Jewish elements in New York threw at any 
charity towards the defeated Germans, Mr. Totzauer risked 
his career organizing charity concerts for the Sudeten ex- 
pellees. But he did so and succeeded. He was helped by 
another Sudeten German, Mr. Otto B. Durholz, secretary of 
the "Committee for Christian Action in Central Europe." He 
worked dynamically for legal relief for German expellees, 
especially for the passage of the Langer Amendment. 

Senator William Langer of North Dakota, the most 
courageous Senator to speak against the Morgenthau Plan and 
for admission of at least some German expellees under the 
Immigration Laws, was ethnically a Sudeten German. He was 
an enormous comfort and inspiration after the war to all Ger- 
mans — and right-thinking men. In 1949 some of us formed 
the United Action Committee for Expellees. One of its chief 
organizers was Conrad J. Linke, a leader of the Steuben 
Society, and also ethnically a Sudeten German. He painted 
Senator Langer's portrait. He and Mrs. Marian Linke had 
close contacts with the Quakers. Of course many of us who 
were not ethnically Sudeten Germans, like Attorney Charles 


F. Gerhard, Miss Mary Campion (now the wife of the Sudeten 
leader in Munich, Judge Anton Wuschek), and many more, 
including me (whose mother had come from Plattling, just a 
river away from the Sudetenland) vigorously and passionately 
and courageously agitated where we could — including visits 
to Congress — to alleviate the plight of the Sudeten German 
expellees. Millions of care packages eventually crossed the 
ocean to these starving, despoiled people. It may be assumed 
that even more valuable than the packages was the encourage- 
ment, the boost in morale, which those care packages engen- 
dered among the defeated who were exposed not only to 
starvation but to the smear terrorism of the victors. 


In this campaign of encouragement and of organizing 
relief packages, another "adopted" Sudeten German played 
a memorable role, the Rev. E.J. Reichenberger, Pastor in 
Glencross, South Dakota, and then Director of the Kolping 
House in Chicago. In commiseration of the plight of the ex- 
pellees, he preached and begged $160,000 and organized care 
packages for them, thousands of packages. And he helped 
many to emigrate, and much more. 

Actually Father (later Msgr.) Reichenberger, Doctor 
h. C, was born in Bavaria, but had for years been a priest 
in the Sudetenland. Tragically, he belonged with men like 
Wenzel Jaksch and Otto Strasser, anti-Nazis who had fled to 
England and America when the Munich Pact took effect. 
After the war, now an American citizen, he became a most 
eloquent and effective champion in print and on the plat- 
form to champion the rights of the expellees. He wrote 
weekly and fiery articles for Nord-Amerika (Mr. A.L. Eller- 
kamp's German language weekly in Philadelphia), for the 
Wanderer, and other papers; he published books like Europa 
in Truemmenrn, selling in the hundreds of thousands. And he 
talked before mass audiences of as many as 20,000, possibly 
100,000 people, in Germany and Austria. 




One can say that the Sudeten Germans in America were 


among the first to defy the Germanophobic smear-terrorism 
and rush into print and with their checkbooks to the aid of 
their unfortunate kinsmen in Europe. They are a highly 
capable, a highly Christian segment of German- Americans, 
and of immigrants generally. They are the only group of 
immigrants who so far can boast of having the first American 
male saint rise from their ranks, the Blessed John N. Neu- 
mann, Bishop of Philadelphia. His canonization took place on 
June 19, 1977. That our merciful God in his unfathomable 
wisdom should have allowed precisely one of the very most 
Christian, most generally decent and virtuous peoples of the 
world, equalled only by the Irish, to be exposed to the rela- 
tively worst holocaust in modern times — torture, rape, mur- 
der, and expulsions — must remain a divine mystery, just as it 
remains a mystery that God the Father allowed his Only Be- 
gotten Son to be crucified on the Cross — to atone for the 
sins of all mankind. 

Hopefully St. John Nepomuc Neumann will apply his 
full intercessary powers with the Lord to bring about justice 
for the three million surviving Sudeten Germans, and a just 
peace means nothing less than a full return of their homes 
and homelands, with freedom and self-determination. It 
essentially means a re-confirmation of the Munich Pact! 

So far since 1948, the Czech expulsionists have got a 
horrid dose of their own medicine in the Bolshevik take-over 
of their land. But even so they have shown little repentence 
for their genocidic treatment of the Sudeten Germans. And 
the powers who dictated the monstrocities of Yalta and 
Potsdam have not made any move to have the barbarous 
arrangements in 1945 corrected. 


The most hopeful action in all these thirty years oc- 
cured in an Agreement, dated August 4, 1950, between the 
leader then of the Sudeten German peoples, Dr. Rudolf 
Lodgeman von Auen, and General Lev Prchala, who headed 
the "Czech National Committee" in London. Dr. Logeman 
had in 1947 in Munich founded the "Arbeitsgemeinschaft zur 
Wahrung Sudetendeutscher Interessen," itself a very construc- 
tive development. The Lodgeman-Prchala Agreement spells 
out what seems to be the only just and feasible correction of 


the Sudeten-German tragedy. 

The gist of this promising Agreement was that both 
peoples should come to a settlement by self-determination. 
Both sides should consider the return of their homeland to 
the Sudeten Germans as just and self-evident. There should 
be no attribution of collective guilt on either side, but those 
guilty of inspiring, planning, and executing the wrongs com- 
mitted should be punished and segregated. However, only 
after the Czech people themselves are freed from Red con- 
trol and the Sudetens have been returned can the final form 
of the political system be decided; in the meanwhile the 
federative principle should be invoked. (See Stimme der 
Vertriebenen, August 27, 1950). 

Though five groups of Czechs in exile participated in 
this Agreement, the Benes Group in London did not, and of 
course, the Czechs in Prague could not. In any case, in the 
ensuing thirty years, few Czechs could or dared to manifest 
any real repentence for the crime of the expulsion, nor a will- 
ingness to redress the wrong by returning the stolen property 
to the Sudetens and welcoming them back to their lands. For 
example, in 1976, Kucera, the chairman of the Czechoslovak 
Socialist Party, said at a press conference that Prague had 
sent Bonn 150 memoranda on German "War Crimes" and 
boasted how humane the Czech officials had been toward the 
Germans in 1945 (See Deutsche Wochenzeitung, March 5, 
1976). This just shows that the Czechs who committed the 
bestialities described above forever face the alternative of be- 
ing honest about their crime — and returning their theft to the 
expellees — or trying to justify their mass atrocity with im- 
pudence and lies. Nevertheless a few of the less guilty Czechs 
are tentatively daring to express sentiments of justice. This 
gives hope for an eventual just peace in Central Europe. 


The chief engine for justice and self-determination for 
the surviving three plus million Sudeten Germans is the 
"Bundesverband der Sudetendeutschen Landsmannschaft" 
(Headquarters: 8000 Muenchen 22, Triftst. 1). It is a wonder- 
ful organization, reflecting the superior Christian culture 
which in 800 years has produced scholars and saints like 
Gregor Mendel, Berta von Suttner (first recipient of the 


Nobel Peace Prize), Gustav Mahler, Adelbert Stifter, and 
John Nepomuc Neumann. The Landsmannschaft has had ex- 
cellent leadership, first Lodgeman von Auen, and now for 
many years, Dr. Walter Becher. 


Every year the Sudeten-deutsche Landsmannschaft, like 
those of the Silesians, and Pomeranians, and East Prussians, 
stage a huge rally. That of the Sudetens is one of the most 
energetic and inspiring. It customarily attracts about 300,000 
at Pfingsten (Pentecost) to whatever city is selected for 
the rally. They thank Almighty God for their survival, and 
pray to Him to bless their claim for the return of the Sude- 
tenland in freedom. 

From year to year the genocidists of Prague, Warsau and 
Moscow, hope for a decline in participation and enthusiasm. 
Anxiously they hope that the^rally will soon be only a rem- 
nant of octogenarians. But so far every year the rally has a 
more, not lesser, youthful flavor. The sons and daughters of 
the expellees rally emphatically with song and dance and 
resolutions around the proposition that the Sudetenland is 
German, it is theirs, and the homes, and businesses from 
which their people were murderously driven, are theirs, and 
must be restored to them — if peace and justice, and self- 
determination are to have a reality. 

Of all the annual rallies, the one that produced the 
worst ulcers among the Czechs was that of 1977 in Vienna. 
Prague impudently asked Austria to prohibit the rally. How- 
ever, Chancellor Bruno Kreisky had the courage to say, "If 
the Sudeten Germans want to meet in Austria, I see no 
grounds for prohibiting it." And the rally took place. In 500 
autobuses and several special trains, 200,000 came. Radio 
Prague complained (May 30, 1977) that "under the con- 
temptible pretext of preserving human rights, the Sudeten 
Landsmannschaft continues to reject having the Munich 
Pact declared null and void." Prague's Rude Pmvo (June 1, 
1977) called the rally "An Ostensible Provocation," com- 
plained that at the main rally important political figures 
(e.g., Dr. Alfons Goppel) called self-determination for the 
Sudeten Germans a basic human right, climaxed the day with 
an impressive procession of young people in native costumes 


pledging their loyalty to the homeland of their fathers. The 
Czech television, anticipating the rally on May 25, 1977, 
thundered angrily that Dr. Walter Becher, the Bonn Con- 
gressman (CSU) and longtime chairman of the Sudeten 
Landsmannschaft, once said, "We will rally on the Sudeten- 
German Day as long as our demand for the return to our 
Sudeten homeland has not been realized." 


The most catastrophic setback since the expulsions 
themselves in 1945 to the hope for the eventual peaceful 
rectification of the German boundaries and the application of 
self-determination to the Oder-Neisse and Sudeten Germans 
was the Ost Politik of Brandt-Wehner-Bahr in 1970, 1972, 
and 1973. On August 11, 1970, these pawns of Moscow 
signed the Moscow-Bonn Treaty, which recognized the Oder- 
Neisse line as Germany's permanent boundary. In December, 
1970, Brandt went to Warsau, fell on his knees in the Warsau 
Ghetto to do penance for Germany, and signed the Warsau- 
Bonn Treaty. Under no compulsion and for no quid pro quo 
Brandt-Wehner-Bahr confirmed Soviet Russia and Poland in 
the greatest territorial robbery and the worst mass atrocity of 
the expulsion in European history. That the Bonn parliament 
on May 17, 1972, ratified these treasonable treaties is only 
further evidence that the German government since 1949 is 
more a stooge of the victors than independently German. No 
patriotic, independent German government would have 
drafted or ratified such criminal treaties. 

What any patriotic German government should rather 
have let itself be shot for than do was Brandt's crawling to 
Prague on December 11, 1973, to sign a normalization treaty 
with that gang of expulsionists. Prague had the frightful 
impudence to demand the Munich Pact of September 29, 
1938, be declared "null and void" from the start. This repre- 
sents a monstrous perversion of historical reality. Yet Brandt 
put his name to it — and later the Bonn parliament ratified 
it, too. 


Nobody forced Bonn to do it, relatively nothing was 
given in return — as for example indemnifying the expellees 
for their losses — and nobody asked the expellees for their 
vote on it. The Prague-Warsau-Moscow treaties in reality 
destroy all the foundations of accepted international justice 
— and put their approval on territorial robbery, expulsions 
and genocide. If these treaties are not relatively soon rejected 
and revoked, the next multi-national war will throw the world 
into mass permanent chaos. For example, if the U.S. lost 
such a war, the victor could claim these treaties as precedent 
for driving all the millions out of Texas, New Mexico, Ari- 
zona, and California, totally robbing them, killing twenty 
percent of them — and then demanding reparations besides! 

But, as Father Reichenberger used to close his famous 
appeals to the Sudeten German expellees, "Gott lebt noch, 
Sein Tag wird kommen (God still lives, His day will come)." 
The Sudeten German expellees with their annual mass rallies, 
their excellent patriotic leadership, and above all the virtue, 
dedication, and trust in God of the three million survivors 
must move God and right-thinking people everywhere to help 
them get their homes and homelands back. When during the 
Vienna mass rally, a radio interviewer asked Chairman Walter 
Becher if the demand of his organization for the return of the 
Sudeten German land and its reunion with Germany was not 
an illusion, Becher answered, "The illusions of today can be 
the reality of tomorrow." So be it and God grant it! 


To The Sudeten German Tragedy by Austin J. App, Ph.D. 

Adam, Ehrenhart, 68 

Anders, General W., 31 

App, Dr. A.J., 53, 55, 60 

Archduke Ferdinand, 5 

Attlee, C.R., 27, 44 

Bahr, 81 

Becher, Dr. Walter, 80-82 

Becker, Carl, 1, 8 

Benes Eduard, 1, 6, 10, 17, 25, 

27, 29, 30, 33, 35, 39-43, 

Bogomolov, Soviet Ambassador, 

Brailsford, socialist, 14 
Brandt, Chancellor Willie, 81 
Braun, shopkeeper, 58 
Burger, Helene, 53, 54 
Butz, Prof. A.R., 34 
Byrne, James F., 39 
Campion, Mary, 77 
Carter, President, 74 
Cavell, Edith, 23 
Chamberlain, Neville, 1, 13, 19 
Churchill, Winston, 15, 30, 31, 

Coolidge, Prof. A.C., 8 
Daladier, Edouard, 13 
Davis Elmer, 35 
DeGaule, 29, 

DeZayas, Alfred M., 23, 25, 30 
Diwald, Prof. Hellmut, 38 
Dobriansky, Dr. Lev, E., 10 
Durcansky, Ferdinand, 18 
Durholz, Otto, B., 76 
Dymastschek, 58 
Ehrenburg, Ilya, 34 
Eichmann, Adolf, 71 
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 1 
Ellerkamp, Alphonse, 77 
Fierlinger, Zdenek, 40 
Frank, Anne, 59 
Frank, Otto, 59 
Gabeik, Josef, 21 
Gebauer, Alfred, 54 
Gerhard, Attorney Charles F., 77 
Girschik, 59 

Girsig, Heinz, 68 

Glaser, Prof. Kurt, 4, 7, 13, 32, 

37, 41, 42, 44, 65 
Goppel, Dr. Alfons, 80 
Gottwald, Klement, 40, 52 
Groessk, Prof., 59 
Hacha, President Emil, 17, 18 
Hanke, Eldriede, 68 
Heydrich, Reinhard, 21 
Hillart, policeman, 58 
Hitler, Adolf, 13, 17, 18-20, 25, 

32, 40, 49, 58 
Homolka, Antonin, 57, 62-64 
Hook, Sidney, 61 
Hruska, Senator Roman L., 43 
Hurtinger, Frau Hildegard, 68, 

Ingre, General Serby, 33 
Jaksch, Wenzel, 19, 26, 72 
Katz, Franz, 72 
Kaufman, Theodore N., 61 
Kern, Erich, 21, 23, 24, 39, 63, 

Kettner, Prof., 58 
King Charles IV, 4 
Kissinger, Henry A., 39 
Klaus, Marianne, 67 
Knorre, Richard, 68 
Korner, D., 58 
Kraus, Forester, 63 
Krebs, Manufacturer, 56 
Kreisky, Chancellor Bruno, 80 
Krischke, 70 
Kritschler, Alfred, 56 
Kroupa, Frantisek, 62-64, 74 
Kuba, Jan, 21 
Kucera, 79 

Kuehn, head teacher, 58 
Kuen, Wilhelm, 63 
Langer, Senator William, 51, 76 
Lindemann, 44 
Linke, Conrad J., 76 
Linke, Marian, 76 
Logeman von Auen, Dr. Rudolf, 

Luza, Radomir, 3, 12 



Mahler, Gustav, 80 

Marthe, Frau, 58 

Massaryk, 1, 6, 10, 17, 25, 28, 

Mendel, Gregor, 79 
Mikolajczyk, Stanislau, 30 
Mittelbach, 58 
Morgenthau, Henry, 35, 44 
Mueller— Millerova, 73 
Muench, Bishop A.J., 30 
Murphy, Robert D., 32, 35 
Mussolini, 13 
Neumann, St. John Nepomuc, 

77, 78, 80 
Palacky, Frantisek, 6 
Pasal, Resi, 57 
Patek, Otto, 63 
Phillip, 58 
Poess, Pastor, 50 
Pope Pius XII. 60 
Pozorny, Reinhard, 73 
Prchala, General Lev, 78 
Rasch, Franz, 54, 56 
Raschhofer, Hermann, 12 
Regnery, Henry, 18 
Reichenberger, Msgr. E.J., 4, 53, 

60, 73, 77, 82 
Reinhardt, Dr. Kurt F., 3 
Remiger, Bishop Johannes, 55 
Ripka, Hubert, 25, 27, 30, 35, 

Roosevelt, President Franklin D, 

ii, 15, 19, 20, 29, 44, 56, 

Rosenberg, Ethel, 23, 54 
Rott, Else, 69 
Runciman, Lord, 10, 12 
Schobert, Dr., 58 
Schoerner, Field Marshall Fer- 
dinand, 49 

Schorz, Ernst, 56, 70 
Schuster, Fotograf, 58 
Seliger, Social Democrat, 5 
Shirer, William L., 17, 18, 21, 

Stadler, Dr. Jur. Bruno Stephen, 

Stalin, 15, 19, 27, 45 
Starkbaum, Dr. Josef, 4 
Stedry, Vladimir, 37 
Staudinger, 50 
Steinfelsner, Max, 63 
Stifter, Adelbert, 80 
Strasser, Otto, 77 
Suttner, Verta von, 79 
Tansill, Dr. Charles C, 8 
Taylor, Prof. A.J.P., 13 
Teuschner, Karl, 58 
Tiso, Msgr., 17, 18 
Totzauer, Joseph, 76 
Truman, H.S., 27, 44 
Tuka, Vojtech, 18 
Turnwald, Dr. Wilhelm, 39 
Utley, Freda, 1 
Veale, F.J.P., 28 
Voigt, F.A., 22 
Wagner, Abg.a. D. Hans, 53 
Weber, 58 
Wehner, 81 
Weinrich, Max, 28 
Wiesenthal, Simon, 59 
Wilson, President Woodrow, ii, 1, 

3, 6, 7, 61 
Wiskemann, Elisabeth, 27 
Witte, Egan de, 72 
Woelfel, Martha, 67 
Wuschek, Judge Anton, 77 
Zelenk, Prof., 53